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U) £t> %e ^° "rce. W^ [A /\/V 

Three Farewells to Manzanar 

The Archeology of Manzanar National Historic Site, California 
Part I : Chapters I - 9 



z_ 



by 

Jeffery F. Burton 

with 

Irene J. Cohen 

Lynne M. D'Ascenzo 

Mary M. Farrell 

Elaine A. Guthrie 

Richard E. Hughes 

Takeshi Inomata 

Teresita Majewski 

Roy Nash 

Patti J. Novak 

Thomas M. Origer 

C. Lynn Rogers 

Wilber Sato 

Jennifer A. Waters 

Jane C. Wehrey 

Beta Analytic, Inc. 

Historic American Buildings Survey 

Los Angeles Department of Water and Power 





Fortunes in Apples 

In Owens Valley 

INYO COUNTY -CALIFORNIA 




OWENS 
VALLEY 
IMPROVEMENT 
COMPANY 



Western Archeological and Conservation Center 

National Park Service 

U.S. Department of the Interior national park service 

_> II# . . . , „ WATER RESOURCES DIVISION 

Publications in Anthropology 67 
1996 



RESOURCE ROOM PROPERTY 



Three Farewells to Manzanar 



NATIONAL PARK SERVICE 

WATER RESOURCES DIVISION 

FORT COLLINS, COLORADO 

RESOURCE ROOM PROPERTY 




History, despite its wrenching pain, 

Cannot be unlived, but if faced 

With courage, need not be lived again. 



Maya Angelou 

On the Pulse of Morning 

Inaugural Poem 1 993 



Three Farewells to Manzanar 

The Archeology of Manzanar National Historic Site, California 



by 

Jeffery F. Burton 

with 

Irene J. Cohen 

Lynne M. D'Ascenzo 

Mary M. Farrell 

Elaine A. Guthrie 

Richard E. Hughes 

Takeshi Inomata 

Teresita Majewski 

Roy Nash 

Patti J. Novak 

Thomas M. Origer 

C. Lynn Rogers 

Wilber Sato 

Jennifer A. Waters 

Jane C. Wehrey 

Beta Analytic, Inc. 

Historic American Buildings Survey 

Los Angeles Department of Water and Power 



Western Archeological and Conservation Center 

National Park Service 

U.S. Department of the Interior 

Publications in Anthropology 67 
1996 



PROJECT SUMMARIES 



WACC Project Number: MANZ 1993 A. 
Type of Project: Archeological survey. 
Field Director: Jeff Burton. 

Project Archeologists: Geri Antone, Lynne D'Ascenzo, 
Elaine Guthrie, and Jenny Waters. 
Volunteers: Dick and Florence Lord. 
Field Work Dates: April 6-30, 1993. 
Person-days in Field: 140. 

Project Location: Manzanar National Historic Site. 
Project Scope: 670 acres within and outside the Na- 
tional Historic Site were intensively surveyed; 37 sites 
were recorded. 

National Register Status: Manzanar Relocation Center 
listed July 30, 1979. 

Collections Accession Information: MANZ Ace. No. 3, 
WACC Ace. No. 877, Photograph Ace. No. 93:4. 



WACC Project Number: MANZ 1993 B. 

Type of Project: Archaeological survey and testing. 

Field Director: Jeff Burton. 

Project Archeologists: Geri Antone, Ron Beckwith, 

Lynne D'Ascenzo, Elaine Guthrie, Laura Valdez, and 

Jenny Waters. 

Volunteers: Dick and Florence Lord. 

Field Work Dates: October 18-November 6, 1993. 

Person-days in Field: 159. 

Project Location: Manzanar National Historic Site. 

Project Scope: 680 acres outside the National Historic 

Site boundaries were intensively surveyed; 36 sites were 

recorded. Within the National Historic Site, plane table 

and alidade mapping was completed at five relocation 

center features, controlled surface collections were made 

at five residential blocks and two town-era trash dumps, 

and twenty-six 1 m by 1 m units were excavated at four 

Native American Indian sites, four town-era sites, and 

three relocation center trash deposits. 



National Register Status: Manzanar Relocation Center 
listed July 30, 1979. 

Collections Accession Information: MANZ Ace. No. 4, 
WACC Ace. No. 876, Photograph Ace. No. 94:7. 



WACC Project Number: MANZ 1994 A 

Type of Project: Monitoring and site recording. 

Field Director: Jeff Burton. 

Project Archeologists: None. 

Volunteers: Dick and Florence Lord. 

Field Work Dates: March 16-18, 1994. 

Person-days in Field: 5. 

Project Location: Manzanar National Historic Site. 

Project Scope: Ten acres were surveyed while recording 

six sites outside the National Historic Site. 

National Register Status: Manzanar Relocation Center 

listed July 30, 1979. 

Collections Accession Information: Photograph Ace. 

No. 94:8. 



WACC Project Number: MANZ 1995 A. 

Type of Project: Mapping and site recording. 

Field Director: Jeff Burton. 

Project Archeologists: Ron Beckwith and Erica Young. 

Volunteers: Dick and Florence Lord. 

Field Work Dates: April 28-May 12, 1995. 

Person-days in Field: 53. 

Project Location: Manzanar National Historic Site. 

Project Scope: Ten acres were surveyed while recording 

three sites outside the National Historic Site. Within the 

National Historic site plane table and alidade mapping 

was completed at ten relocation center features. 

National Register Status: Manzanar Relocation Center 

listed July 30, 1979. 

Collections Accession Information: Photograph Ace. 

No. 95:9. 



Frontispiece: Watch tower at Manzanar Relocation Center (Toyo Miyatake photograph, courtesy of the Eastern 
California Museum). 



This Report is Number 67 in a continuing series, Publications in Anthropology, published by the 
Western Archeological and Conservation Center, 1415 North Sixth Avenue, Tucson, Arizona 85705. 



IV 



Abstract 




This report presents the results of archeological investigations at Manzanar National Historic Site 
in the Owens Valley of eastern California. The Manzanar Relocation Center was one of ten such 
facilities at which Japanese American citizens and Japanese immigrants were interned during 
World War II. The archeological work was designed to inventory and evaluate all historical and 
prehistoric archeological resources within the National Historic Site, as well as other archeological 
resources near the National Historic Site related to the relocation center. Three major categories of 
remains were encountered: (1) those associated with the Manzanar Relocation Center; (2) those 
associated with the early twentieth century abandoned Manzanar townsite; and (3) those associated with 
late prehistoric and early historical Native American Indian use of the area. In all, 14 Native American 
Indian sites, dozens of sites and features associated with the townsite and earlier ranches, and all of the 
known features of the relocation center have been fully recorded. This project also included test 
excavation at four of the Native American Indian sites, four sites associated with the town of Manzanar, 
and three relocation center features. In spite of historical and recent disturbance, the preservation of 
features and artifacts is far better than initially evident. Each of the identified components was found 
to have excellent archeological and interpretive potential. 



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Acknowledgments 




Many people and organizations contributed to the completion of this report. Manzanar National 
Historic Site superintendent, Ross Hopkins, provided support and enthusiasm as well as 
supplemental funding. Tom Mulhern of the National Park Service's Western Regional Office 
(WRO) facilitated much of the early funding for this project. Roger Kelly, also of the WRO, provided 
initial support and suggestions for research. Permits for the archeological work were obtained from the 
Los Angeles Department of Water and Power and the Bureau of Land Management. 

Field work was completed by Western Archeological and Conservation Center (WACC) archeologists 
Geri Antone, Ron Beckwith, Lynne D'Ascenzo, Elaine Guthrie, Laura Valdez, Erica Young, and Jenny 
Waters. Ron, Lynne, and Jenny also supervised. Again, I am indebted to volunteers Richard and 
Florence Lord, who contributed their time, expertise, equipment, and supplies to shoot and process the 
thousands of field photographs this project required. 

Bill Michael, Director of the Eastern California Museum, was extremely generous with his time and 
resources, providing information as well as access to files about the relocation center and earlier 
occupations at Manzanar. Personnel at the following institutions also provided information: the 
University of California, Los Angeles, Special Collections; the University of Arizona, Special 
Collections; the National Archives; the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power; and the Inyo 
County Courthouse. The Los Angeles Times, the UCLA Geography Department, the Eastern 
California Museum, and Archie Miyatake gave permission to include historical photographs used in this 
report. Others who provided information or help during the course of the project include Ed Addeo, 
Keith Bright, Gordon Chappell, Julia Costello, Martha Davis, Mary DeDecker, R.E. Ellingwood, Sue 
Embrey, John Foster, Dan Fowler, Linda Greene, Curtis Gunn, W.W. Hastings, Paula Hubbard, Ron 
Izumita, Jim Kubota, Pete Kreider, Don Laylander, Gann Matsuda, Pete 'Merritt, Jr., Vernon Miller, 
Momoko Murakami, Patti Novak, Rose Ochi, Mas Okui, Dan Olsen, Ron Reno, Glenn Singley, 
Richard Stewart, Judy Torduff, Richard Weaver, and Bill Woodward. 

Geri Antone and Lynne M. D'Ascenzo completed initial artifact processing. Ron Beckwith drafted most 
of the maps and drawings. Erica Young inked the figures in Appendix A. Dick and Florence Lord 
produced the artifact photographs and prints. The following people contributed chapters, sections, or 
appendices: Lynne D'Ascenzo, Irene Cohen, Mary Farrell, Elaine Guthrie, Richard Hughes, Takeshi 
Inomata, Teresita Majewski, Thomas Origer, Lynn Rogers, Wilber Sato, Jennifer Waters, and Jane 
Wehrey. Beta Analytic provided the radiocarbon dating analysis. 

Others at WACC aided in the completion of this project. Keith Anderson provided initial direction. 
As project supervisor, George Teague's patience and flexibility allowed the report's completion. Steve 
Baumann, Ron Beckwith, Greg Fox, and Sue Wells provided technical and logistical support. Hank 
Baron, Debbie Deboutez, and Angela Nava took care of administrative tasks. Librarian Johanna 
Alexander hunted down many obscure references. 

Gordon Chappell, Ross Hopkins, Roger Kelly, Tom Mulhern, Glenn Singley, and George Teague 
provided valuable comments on the draft final report, which was edited by Marci Donaldson. The 
Japanese language abstract is the product of the combined efforts of Erika Unangst and Ryoji Ouchi. 

To these, and as always to my wife Mary and son Daniel, many thanks. 

Jeff Burton 

vi 



Table of Contents 




Project Summaries iv 

Abstract v 

Acknowledgements vi 

List of Figures xix 

List of Tables xxxiii 

Chapter 1 

Introduction 1 

Background 1 

Archeological Studies 3 

Report Structure 3 

Terminology 3 

Chapter 2 

Environmental Setting byjeffery F Burton, Mary M. Farrell, and Patti J. Novak 5 

Vegetation and Fauna 8 

Chapter 3 

Japanese American Relocation by iremj. Cohen andje/fery f. Bunon n 

West Coast Anti-Oriental Prejudice 11 

Preparing for War with Japan 13 

In the Aftermath of Pearl Harbor 14 

"Military Necessity" 14 

Evacuation 17 

Assembly Centers 19 

Setting up the Relocation Centers 25 

Relocation Centers 25 

Relocation Center Layout and Building Design 28 

Life in the Relocation Centers 34 

Indefinite Leave Clearance 36 

Canada, Latin America, and the Caribbean 37 

Tule Lake Segregation Center 39 

Nisei in the Army 41 

Supreme Court Cases 42 

Closing the Relocation Centers 43 

Retrospect 44 

Chapter 4 

ManZanar Relocation Center byjeffery F Burton, Mary M. Farrell, and Wilber Sato 45 

Beginnings 45 

First Arrivals 46 

Filling the Center 49 

Infrastructure 50 

Original Construction (WCCA) 50 

Later Construction (WRA) 55 

Utilities 55 

Motor Pool 64 

Military Police 64 

Administration 66 



vn 



The Manzanar Riot 67 

Photographing Manzanar 72 

Life in Manzanar 73 

Internal Security 76 

Fire Protection 79 

Internal Government 79 

Medical Care 80 

Cemetery 81 

Religion 81 

Recreation 82 

Meals 85 

Education 85 

Post Office and Bank 86 

Victory Gardens 87 

Ornamental Gardens and Landscaping 87 

Manzanar Children's Village 90 

Manzanar Cooperative Enterprise, Inc 92 

Agriculture 93 

Guayule Project 93 

Farming 93 

Chicken Ranch 96 

Hog Farm 97 

Cattle Ranch 99 

Industry 100 

Garment Factory 100 

Camouflage Net Factory 102 

Mattress Factory 103 

Food Processing Unit 103 

Closing Manzanar 103 

Chapter 5 

Manzanar From the Inside byR oy Nash 109 

Housing 110 

Aliens and Citizens 110 

Occupations and Skills 110 

Manzanar at Work Ill 

Manzanar at Play 112 

Health 114 

Food and Water .' 114 

Sewage Disposal and Sanitation 115 

Education 115 

Block Leaders 116 

Law and Orders 116 

Military Police 116 

Freedom at Manzanar 117 

Manzanar Rumors 118 

Manzanar Tour — 1944 119 

Chapter 6 

HiStOry Background byjeffery F. Burton and Jane C. Wehrey 123 

Indian Wars 124 

Early Settlement 125 

George's Creek 127 

The Los Angeles Aqueduct 132 

George Chaffey and the Owens Valley Improvement Company 133 

The Town of Manzanar 140 

The Owens Valley Water War 145 

Farewell to Manzanar 146 

Los Angeles as Landlord 148 

Abandonment 149 



vui 



Chapter 7 

PrehiStOrV and Ethnography hyjeffery F. Burton and Mary M. Farrell 151 

Ethnography 151 

The Manzanar Area 152 

Sociopolitical Organization 152 

Subsistence 152 

Irrigation 154 

Exchange 155 

Death 156 

Houses 156 

Other Material Culture ~. 158 

Prehistory 158 

Owens Valley 158 

Rose Valley 165 

Long Valley 167 

Mono Basin 169 

A Sketch of Owens Valley Prehistory 173 

Chapter 8 

Research Objectives and Methods 177 

Research Objectives 177 

Manzanar War Relocation Center 177 

Confinement 178 

Ethnicity 178 

Resistance 178 

Daily Life 178 

Manzanar Townsite 179 

Frontier Urbanism 179 

Economics and Land Use 179 

Irrigation and Water Control 179 

Native American Indian Sites 179 

Subsistence Change 179 

Social Organization and Territoriality 180 

Regional and Inter-regional Exchange Systems 180 

Regional Chronology 180 

Acculturation and Adaptation 180 

Methods 180 

Archival Research 180 

Field Methods 181 

Survey and Site Recording 181 

Detailed Mapping 183 

Repeat Photography 183 

Controlled Surface Collection and Tabulation 185 

Subsurface Testing 187 

Laboratory Methods, Cataloging, and Curation 193 

Analytical Procedures 194 

Historical Artifacts 194 

Prehistoric Artifacts 196 

Chapter 9 

Relocation Center Sites 

Within the National Historic Site 201 

Relocation Center Central Area 201 

Impacts 205 

Roads 207 

Administration Block 207 

Auditorium Block 212 

Camouflage/Mattress Factory Block 215 

Children's Village Block 217 

Doctors and Nurses Quarters Block 217 



IX 



Garage Block 219 

Hospital Block 219 

Judo House Block 233 

Root Storage Block 237 

Service Station/Motor Pool Area 239 

Staff Housing Blocks 239 

Warehouse Blocks 246 

Residential Blocks 248 

Block 1 250 

Block 2 252 

Block 3 253 

Block 4 255 

Block 5 256 

Block 6 256 

Block 7 257 

Block 8 257 

Block 9 258 

Block 10 259 

Block 11 261 

Block 12 261 

Block 13 265 

Block 14 270 

Block 15 272 

Block 16 274 

Block 17 ..274 

Block 18 » 275 

Block 19 275 

Block 20 276 

Block 21 278 

Block 22 280 

Block 23 282 

Block 24 282 

Block 25 283 

Block 26 284 

Block 27 *. 285 

Block 28 285 

Block 29 286 

Block 30 286 

Block 31 287 

Block 32 288 

Block 33 288 

Block 34 289 

Block 35 292 

Block 36 292 

Firebreaks 293 

Firebreak A6 293 

Firebreak A9 294 

Firebreak B3 294 

Firebreak B6 295 

Firebreak B9 296 

Firebreak CO 296 

Firebreak CI 296 

Firebreak C2 296 

Firebreak C3 296 

Firebreak C4 296 

Firebreak C5 296 

Firebreak C6 297 

Firebreak C7 297 

Firebreak C8 297 

Firebreak C9 297 

Firebreak D3 297 

Firebreak D6 297 



Firebreak E6 298 

Firebreak F3 298 

Firebreak H3 298 

Firebreak H6 298 

Perimeter 299 

Relocation Center Entrance 300 

Watchtowers 300 

Guard Houses 300 

Fences 307 

Foundations 308 

Agricultural Features and Orchards 311 

Miscellaneous Features 312 

Artifact Concentrations 312 

Other Artifacts 316 

Feature P-17 Testing 317 

Feature P-18 Testing 318 

Hospital Landfill and Post-Relocation Center Dump 319 

Locus A Testing 320 

Stratigraphy 321 

Artifact Assemblage 323 

Locus C Testing 328 

Stratigraphy 328 

Artifact Assemblage 328 

Relocation Center Cemetery 331 

Chapter 10 

Relocation Center Sites 

Outside the National Historic Site 335 

Military Police Compound 337 

Reservoir 339 

Water Delivery System 348 

Sewage Treatment Plant 350 

Chicken Farm 362 

Hog Farm ' 367 

North Fields Irrigation System 371 

South Fields Irrigation System 373 

Far South Fields Irrigation System 377 

Bairs Creek Irrigation System 382 

George Creek Ditch 384 

Shepherd Creek Dam 384 

North Wells 386 

Landfill 386 

Disposal Pits 392 

Factory Area Trash Deposits 395 

Administration Area Trash Scatter 396 

Shepherd Creek Bridge 397 

South Fork Bridge 397 

Abernathy Ranch Dutch Oven 397 

Albers Ranch Dutch Oven 398 

Manzanar Federal Airport 399 

Other Noted Resources 409 

Chapter 11 

Town of Manzanar Sites 

Within Manzanar National Historic Site 413 

Residential and Commercial Sites 416 

Bogart Farm 416 

Bevis Place/Briggs Farm 418 

Campbell/Ed Shepherd House 420 

Subsurface Testing 424 



XI 



Capps Homesite 426 

Christopher Farm 428 

Downtown Manzanar and Lacey Home 430 

Subsurface Testing 437 

Gilmer Farm 442 

Subsurface Testing 444 

Graham Farm 448 

Hatfield Property 449 

Lenbek and Kemp Homesites 450 

Meyer Lumber 451 

John Meyers Farm 452 

OVI Headquarters/John Shepherd Ranch 452 

Subsurface Testing 463 

Parker Homesite 467 

Wilder Farm 469 

Wicks Place/Hawthorne Property 470 

Surface Collection/Tabulation 472 

Other Building Locations 474 

Bandhauer Farm 474 

Cornelius House 474 

Lafon Farm 476 

Lydston House 477 

Manzanar School 477 

A.L. Meyers Farm 478 

Smith Farm 478 

Wells Farm 480 

Utilities 480 

Concrete Pipeline 480 

Concrete Pipeline and Weir Boxes 480 

Well No. 169 482 

Other Noted Utilities 483 

Roads 483 

Orchards and Other Vegetation 483 

Pipeline 483 

Trash Deposits 485 

MANZ 1993 A-7 485 

Surface Collection/Tabulation 489 

MANZ 1993 A-14 490 

MANZ 1993 A-21 490 

MANZ 1993 A-27 491 

Chapter 12 

Town of Manzanar Sites 

OutSide the National HiStOriC Site byJefferyF. Burton andLynne M. D'Ascenzo 493 

Residential Sites 493 

Abernathy Ranch 495 

Albers Ranch 496 

Glade Homesite 506 

Hay/Kispert Ranch 507 

Kreider Farm 513 

Lacey Farm 516 

Lennington Farm 521 

Metzger/Correll Property 522 

Paget Farm 524 

Utilities 529 

Shepherd Creek 530 

Upper Dam 530 

Middle Dam 531 

Lower Dam 531 

Town Water System Intake Dam 532 

LADWP Ditch 533 



xn 



Northern Town Water System Pipeline 533 

Southern Town Water System Pipelines 534 

Weir Boxes 535 

Shepherd Creek Ditch 536 

Bairs Creek 537 

Upper Dam 537 

Lower Dam 540 

Bairs Creek Pipeline 541 

Pipeline 541 

Pipeline and Valves 541 

George Creek 452 

Upper Dam 542 

Lower Dam 543 

Upper Weir 543 

Lower Weir 544 

George Creek Ditch 544 

Wells 544 

Well Nos. 76 and 95 544 

Well Nos. 91 and 92 545 

Wooden Bridge 545 

Trash Deposits 545 

MANZ 1993 B-l 545 

MANZ 1993 B-2 546 

MANZ 1993 B-3 547 

MANZ 1993 B-4 547 

MANZ 1993 B-5 548 

MANZ 1993 B-7 548 

MANZ 1993 B-10 549 

MANZ 1993 B-18 549 

MANZ 1993 B-32 551 

MANZ 1993 B-34 553 

MANZ 1994 A-4 554 

Chapter 13 

Native American Indian Sites 

Within the National Historic Site 557 

MANZ 1993 A-l 559 

Stratigraphy 559 

Assemblage 563 

Projectile Points 563 

Bifacial Tools 546 

Utilized Flakes 564 

Core 565 

Debitage 565 

Ground Stone Artifacts 565 

Fire-Cracked Rock 565 

Ceramics 565 

Bone Artifacts 567 

Vertebrate Faunal Remains 567 

Invertebrate Fauna 567 

Human Remains 567 

Other Organic Remains 567 

Intrusive Historical Artifacts 567 

Obsidian Hydration 567 

Site Summary 568 

MANZ 1993 A-2 568 

Stratigraphy 570 

Assemblage 572 

Projectile Points 573 

Bifacial Tools 579 

Scrapers 581 



Xlll 



Utilized Flakes 581 

Cores 582 

Debitage 583 

Hammerstones 583 

Ground Stone Artifacts 583 

Fire-cracked Rock 584 

Miscellaneous Stone Artifacts 584 

Ceramics 585 

Bone and Shell Artifacts 586 

Vertebrate Faunal Remains 587 

Invertebrate Fauna 588 

Other Organic Remains 588 

Intrusive Historical Artifacts 588 

Radiocarbon Dating 588 

Obsidian Hydration Analysis 590 

Site Summary 590 

MANZ 1993 A-3 590 

Stratigraphy 592 

Assemblage 594 

Projectile Points 594 

Bifacial Tools 594 

Utilized Flakes 594 

Debitage 594 

Ground Stone Artifacts 595 

Ceramics . 595 

Shell Bead 596 

Vertebrate Faunal Remains 596 

Other Organic Remains 596 

Intrusive Historical Artifacts 596 

Obsidian Hydration Analysis 596 

Site Summary 596 

MANZ 1993 A-4 597 

Stratigraphy 599 

Assemblage 602 

Projectile Points '. 606 

Bifacial Tools 609 

Utilized Flakes 610 

Core/Hammerstone 610 

Debitage 610 

Ground Stone Artifacts 611 

Ceramics 614 

Glass Beads 614 

Shell Bead 614 

Bone Artifacts 615 

Vertebrate Faunal Remains 615 

Invertebrate Fauna 615 

Human Remains 615 

Fire-cracked Rock 616 

Other Collected Materials 616 

Intrusive Historical Artifacts 616 

Obsidian Hydration Analysis 616 

Site Summary 616 

MANZ 1993 A-19 619 

Isolates 619 

Chapter 14 

Native American Indian Sites 

OutSide the National Historic Site byjeffery F. Burton andLynne M. D'Ascenzo 621 

MANZ 1993 B-l 623 

MANZ 1993 B-2 623 

MANZ 1993 B-3 626 



xiv 



MANZ 1993 B-4 626 

MANZ 1993 B-5 627 

MANZ 1993 B-6 628 

MANZ 1993 B-10 628 

MANZ 1993 B-24 629 

MANZ 1994 A-l 629 

MANZ 1995 A-3 631 

Isolates 631 

MANZ 1993 A-31 631 

MANZ 1993 A-36 631 

MANZ 1993 B-7 631 

MANZ 1993 B-8 631 

MANZ 1993 B-15 631 

MANZ 1993 B-16 632 

MANZ 1993 B-17 632 

MANZ 1993 B-19 632 

MANZ 1993 B-22 632 

Chapter 15 

Conclusions and Recommendations .633 

Relocation Center Sites 634 

Surface Collection/Tabulation 634 

Subsurface Testing 635 

Research Questions 636 

Confinement 636 

Ethnicity \ 637 

Resistance 637 

Daily Life 637 

Town of Manzanar Sites 639 

Surface Collection/Tabulation 640 

Subsurface Testing 641 

Research Questions 642 

Frontier Urbanism 642 

Economics and Land Use 644 

Irrigation and Water Control 644 

Native American Indian Sites 644 

Subsurface Testing 645 

Research Questions 647 

Chronology 647 

Subsistence Change 648 

Social Organization, Territoriality, and Exchange 649 

Acculturation and Adaptation 650 

Recommendations 650 

Impacts 650 

Significance 651 

Boundary Adjustment 652 

General Management Recommendations 653 

Specific Management Recommendations 655 

Demonstration Blocks 655 

Parking Lots 655 

Perimeter Road 655 

Reconstructions 655 

Interpretive Recommendations 656 

Research Recommendations 657 

Synopsis 657 

Appendix A 

WoHd War ll-era Inscriptions by Takeshi Inomata andjeffery F. Burton 659 

Japanese Writing System 659 

Japanese and Western Calendars 660 

Japanese Notation for Manzanar 660 



xv 



Relocation Center Central Area 660 

Cemetery 662 

Military Police Compound 662 

Reservoir 662 

Water Delivery System 663 

Chicken Ranch 663 

Hog Farm 663 

North Fields Irrigation System 664 

South Fields Irrigation System 664 

Far South Fields Irrigation System 665 

Bairs Creek Irrigation System 665 

George Creek Ditch 1 665 

North Wells 666 

Appendix B 

Glass Artifacts 685 

Appendix C 

Metal ArtJfaCtS by Lynne M. D'Ascenzo 757 

Survey and Surface Collections 757 

Excavation Collection 761 

Appendix D 

Historical Ceramics by Teresita Majewski 793 

Methods 794 

Results 803 

Discussion and Conclusions 807 

Appendix E 

BllttOnS by C. Lynne Rogers 863 

Appendix F 

Miscellaneous Historical Materials 879 

Appendix G 

Debitage Analysis by Lynne M. D'Ascenzo 889 

Methods 889 

Results and Interpretations 891 

Summary 896 

Appendix H 

FaUnal Remains by Jennifer A. Waters 901 

Methods 901 

Prehistoric Sites 905 

Town of Manzanar Sites 925 

Relocation Center and Post-Relocation Center Sites 931 

Appendix I 

Physical Anthropology by EUme a. Guthrie 937 

Introduction 938 

Inhumation 938 

Other Human Remains 940 

Dental Casts 941 

Summary and Conclusions 941 

Appendix J 

Visual Obsidian Sourcing 943 



XVI 



Appendix K 

Obsidian XRF-Source Analysis by Richard e. Hughes 947 

Appendix L 

Obsidian Hydration Results by nomas m. onger 953 

Appendix M 

Radiocarbon Dating Results Beta Analytic, inc. 957 

Appendix N 

OwenS Valley Plat MapS Los Angeles Department of Water and Power 959 

Appendix O 

Architectural Drawings Historic American Buildings Survey 979 

Manzanar Relocation Center 980 

Camp Layout Historic Maps 981 

Auditorium 982 

Military Police Post 991 

Internal Police Post 993 

Cemetery 994 

Reservoir 996 

Observation (Guard) Tower 998 

Appendix P 

Concordance of Site and Feature Numbers 999 



References Cited 



1019 



xvn 




XV111 



List of Figures 




Figure 1.1. Manzanar National Historic Site 1 

Figure 1.2. Aerial view of Manzanar National Historic Site 2 

Figure 1.3. Manzanar National Historic Site and vicinity 4 

Figure 2.1. Mount Williamson 6 

Figure 2.2. Pluvial lakes 7 

Figure 2.3. Shepherd Creek 8 

Figure 2.4. Aerial view of Manzanar 9 

Figure 3.1. West Coast Japanese American population, 1940 12 

Figure 3.2. Newspaper headline, February 27, 1942 17 

Figure 3.3. Western Defense Command 18 

Figure 3.4. Net voluntary movement of Japanese Americans from Military Area No. 1 20 

Figure 3.5. Civilian Exclusion Order No. 27 22 

Figure 3.6. Guard tower at Tanforan Assembly Center 24 

Figure 3.7. Assembly, relocation, and isolation centers and selected Justice Department 

internment camps 26 

Figure 3.8. West Coast Japanese American population, June 1942 30 

Figure 3.9. Rohwer Relocation Center under construction 31 

Figure 3.10. Eleanor Roosevelt visiting the Gila River Relocation Center 32 

Figure 3.11. Camouflage net factory at the Gila River Relocation Center 33 

Figure 3.12. Examples of flags flown by center residents during the Poston strike 35 

Figure 3.13. Demonstration at the Tule Lake Segregation Center 39 

Figure 3.14. Honor Roll constructed by Rohwer Relocation Center residents 41 

Figure 4.1. Owens Valley Reception Center, March 1942 45 

Figure 4.2. Manzanar Relocation Center 47 

Figure 4.3. Boundary map Manzanar Relocation Center 48 

Figure 4.4. Construction underway at Manzanar 49 

Figure 4.5. Evacuees gather behind sentry to scrutinize new arrivals 50 

Figure 4.6. Arrival of evacuees 50 

Figure 4.7. Early construction scene at Manzanar 51 

Figure 4.8. Construction at Manzanar 51 

Figure 4.9. 1942 Oblique aerial view of Manzanar 52 

Figure 4.10. Camp layout 53 

Figure 4.11. Evacuee barracks 54 

Figure 4.12. WRA construction plot plan 56 

Figure 4.13. Evacuee construction workers at auditorium 57 

Figure 4.14. Manzanar Relocation Center auditorium 57 

Figure 4.15. Root cellar 58 

Figure 4.16. Heating oil shed 58 

Figure 4.17. Electrical system and fire alarm telephone 59 

Figure 4.18. Switchboard operator Trudee Osajima 60 

Figure 4.19. Water tank and chlorination house 61 

Figure 4.20. Water distribution system 62 

Figure 4.21. Sanitary sewer system 63 

Figure 4.22. Military police encampment, early 1942 64 

Figure 4.23. Watchtower along western boundary 65 

Figure 4.24. Manzanar in winter 74 

Figure 4.25. Manzanar Relocation Center population 1942-1945 75 

Figure 4.26. Recorded births and deaths at Manzanar Relocation Center 76 

Figure 4.27. Advertisement in Manzanar Free Press (3/20/43) 77 

Figure 4.28. Manzanar internal police force 78 



xix 



Figure 4.29. People walking, firebreaks on either side 79 

Figure 4.30. Monument in cemetery 81 

Figure 4.31. First grave, Manzanar Cemetery 81 

Figure 4.32. Recreational and other facilities at Manzanar Relocation Center 83 

Figure 4.33. Basketball court 84 

Figure 4.34. Evacuee mess hall 85 

Figure 4.35. High School Recess Period 86 

Figure 4.36. Manzanar Post Office 86 

Figure 4.37. Barracks gardens and landscaping 87 

Figure 4.38. William Katuski's garden (Building 5, Block 24) in 1942 88 

Figure 4.39. Traffic circle in administration area 88 

Figure 4.40. Portion of Block 15 garden complex 89 

Figure 4.41. Layout of Manzanar Children's Village 91 

Figure 4.42. Coop Enterprises at Manzanar Relocation Center 94 

Figure 4.43. Preparing fields for planting 96 

Figure 4.44. South farm field 96 

Figure 4.45. Warning sign in orchard 97 

Figure 4.46. Land improvements 98 

Figure 4.47. 1944 aerial photograph of Manzanar Relocation Center showing farm fields north 

and south of the relocation center 99 

Figure 4.48. Potato field 100 

Figure 4.49. Benji Iguchi, on tractor in field 100 

Figure 4.50. Manzanar farm and irrigation map 101 

Figure 4.51. Garment worker Mary Nagao, former Los Angeles housewife 102 

Figure 4.52. Making camouflage nets 102 

Figure 4.53. Abandoned barracks at Manzanar Relocation Center 104 

Figure 4.54. Relocation Center Auditorium, ca. 1945 105 

Figure 4.55. Relocation Center Auditorium, ca. 1952 105 

Figure 4.56. Hauling materials from Manzanar 106 

Figure 4.57. Demolition in progress 107 

Figure 5.1. Manzanar entrance sign 109 

Figure 5.2. Laundry room 110 

Figure 5.3. Camouflage net factory Ill 

Figure 5.4. Women's softball team 113 

Figure 5.5. Manzanar from watchtower 117 

Figure 5.6. Catholic Church 117 

Figure 5.7. Administration Block on left 120 

Figure 5.8. Chicken Farm 120 

Figure 5.9. Hog Farm 121 

Figure 5.10. Pleasure Park 122 

Figure 6.1. Owens Valley in 1864 126 

Figure 6.2. Enlarged 1907 USGS map of Manzanar and vicinity 128 

Figure 6.3. John Shepherd House 129 

Figure 6.4. Land ownership in the Manzanar area, 1990 130 

Figure 6.5. Land ownership in the Manzanar area, 1905 131 

Figure 6.6. Los Angeles Aqueduct under construction 133 

Figure 6.7. Los Angeles Aqueduct outake on Owens River 133 

Figure 6.8. George Chaffey, ca. 1910 134 

Figure 6.9. Land ownership in the Manzanar area, 1910 135 

Figure 6.10. Manzanar Irrigation system and other pipelines and wells in the Manzanar vicinity 136 

Figure 6.11. Owens Valley Improvement Company's Subdivision No. 1 and No. 2 138 

Figure 6.12. Manzanar townsite plat map 139 

Figure 6.13. Manzanar Railroad Depot 140 

Figure 6.14. Oblique aerial view of Manzanar, ca. 1930 141 

Figure 6.15. Manzanar as remembered by past residents Vic Taylor and Anna Kelly 142 

Figure 6.16. Manzanar Store 143 



xx 



Figure 6.17. Manzanar Garage 143 

Figure 6.18. Manzanar Community Hall 144 

Figure 6.19. Manzanar School 144 

Figure 6.20. Land ownership in the Manzanar area, with date of purchase by Los Angeles 147 

Figure 6.21. Private property and Owens Valley Improvement Company owned lots within the 

Manzanar townsite, ca. 1910 148 

Figure 7.1. Paiute subdivisions and boundaries 153 

Figure 7.2. Paiute irrigation system near present-day Bishop 154 

Figure 7.3. Distribution of Paiute irrigation in the Owens Valley 155 

Figure 7.4. Owens Valley Paiute winter house 156 

Figure 7.5. Owens Valley Paiute summer house 157 

Figure 7.6. Owens Valley Paiute sweat house 157 

Figure 7.7. Places, archeological sites, and obsidian sources mentioned in text 160 

Figure 7.8. Early projectile point types of the western Great Basin 174 

Figure 7.9. Fish Slough Side-notched projectile points 175 

Figure 7.10. Common projectile point types of the western Great Basin 176 

Figure 8.1. Example of a typical completed block survey form 182 

Figure 8.2. Archeological survey coverage at Manzanar National Historic Site and environs 184 

Figure 8.3. Plane-table mapping of hospital laundry room foundation 185 

Figure 8.4. Overhead bi-pod photography at garbage can washing rack foundation 185 

Figure 8.5. Features mapped at Manzanar National Historic Site and environs 186 

Figure 8.6. Relocation center morgue foundation prior to removal of overburden 188 

Figure 8.7. Clearing overburden from morgue foundation 188 

Figure 8.8. Morgue foundation partially cleared of overburden 189 

Figure 8.9. Morgue foundation cleared of overburden 189 

Figure 8.10. Surface collection/tabulation areas at Manzanar National Historic Site 190 

Figure 8.11. Surface collection/tabulation units at residential and Staff Housing blocks 191 

Figure 8.12. Distribution of excavation units at Manzanar National Historic Site 192 

Figure 8.13. Excavation of Unit 12 at site MANZ 1993 A-4 193 

Figure 8.14. Screening sediments from Unit 26 at site MANZ 1993 A-37 193 

Figure 8.15. Example of a typical completed unit level record 194 

Figure 9.1. Block designations and relocation center sites within Manzanar National Historic Site . . . 202 

Figure 9.2. 1944 aerial photograph of Manzanar Relocation Center 203 

Figure 9.3. 1992 aerial photograph of Manzanar Relocation Center 204 

Figure 9.4. Gully erosion in western portion of Manzanar National Historic Site 207 

Figure 9.5. Gullies, diversion ditches, and berms at Manzanar National Historic Site 208 

Figure 9.6. Roads at Manzanar National Historic Site 209 

Figure 9.7. Administration Building (Features A-l, A-13, and A-14) 211 

Figure 9.8. Walkway at Administration Building (Feature A-l) 212 

Figure 9.9. Walkway and steps at Apartment Building C (Feature A-6) 212 

Figure 9.10. Patio at Apartment Building D (Feature A-8) 213 

Figure 9.11. Traffic Circle in Administration Block (Feature A-5) 213 

Figure 9.12. Concrete slab within Administration Block (Feature A-3) 214 

Figure 9.13. 1992 aerial photograph of Relocation Center Auditorium and environs 214 

Figure 9.14. Auditorium (Feature Au-1), south side 215 

Figure 9.15. Auditorium (Feature Au-1), north side 215 

Figure 9.16. Auditorium (Feature Au-1), west side 216 

Figure 9.17. Auditorium (Feature Au-1), east side 216 

Figure 9.18. 1992 aerial photograph of Children's Village Block 218 

Figure 9.19. Garage foundation (Feature G-4) 220 

Figure 9.20. Garage (Feature G-4) 220 

Figure 9.21. 1944 aerial photograph of Hospital Block 221 

Figure 9.22. Pulled manhole in Hospital Block (Feature H-6) 222 

Figure 9.23. Bench in Hospital Block (Feature H-2) 222 

Figure 9.24. Steps in Hospital Block (Feature H-12) 223 

Figure 9.25. Hospital Block Pond (Feature H-5) after removal of debris 223 

xxi 



Figure 9.26. Hospital Block Pond (Feature H-5) after removal of debris 224 

Figure 9.27. Hospital Block Pond (Feature H-5) 225 

Figure 9.28. Hospital Block auxiliary area (Features H-8 to H-ll, H-20, and H-21) 226 

Figure 9.29. Overhead bi-pod view of Hospital Block Laundry (Feature H-ll) 227 

Figure 9.30. Hospital Block Laundry (Feature H-ll) 228 

Figure 9.31. Detail of Hospital Block Laundry (Feature H-ll) after removal of debris 229 

Figure 9.32. Steps and retaining wall at Hospital Block Laundry (Feature H-8) 229 

Figure 9.33. Hospital Block Heating Room (Feature H-10) 230 

Figure 9.34. Overhead bi-pod view of Hospital Heating Room (Feature H-10) 231 

Figure 9.35. Detail of Hospital Heating Room (Feature H-10) after removal of debris 232 

Figure 9.36. Detail of Hospital Heating Room (Feature H-10) showing boiler foundation after 

removal of debris 232 

Figure 9.37. Detail of Hospital Heating Room (Feature H-10) showing bathroom after removal 

of debris 233 

Figure 9.38. Morgue (Feature H-20) 234 

Figure 9.39. Overhead bi-pod view of Morgue (Feature H-20) 235 

Figure 9.40. Garbage Can Wash Rack (Feature H-9) 235 

Figure 9.41. Overhead bi-pod view of Garbage Can Wash Rack (Feature H-9) 236 

Figure 9.42. Detail of Garbage Can Wash Rack (Feature H-9) after removal of debris 236 

Figure 9.43. Concrete water access hole cover found during Feature H-9 cleaning 237 

Figure 9.44. Judo House (Feature J-l, J-2, and J-3) 238 

Figure 9.45. Walkway at Judo House after removal of debris (Feature J-3) 239 

Figure 9.46. Service Station and Motor Pool area (Features Se-1 through Se-6) 240 

Figure 9.47. Foundation of Service Station gasoline pump (Feature Se-1) 241 

Figure 9.48. 1993 oblique aerial view of Staff Housing area 242 

Figure 9.49. Director's Residence in 1944 242 

Figure 9.50. Director's Residence (Feature S-l) in 1993 242 

Figure 9.51. Water heater slab at Director's Residence (Feature S-l) 243 

Figure 9.52. Director's Residence (Feature S-l) 243 

Figure 9.53. Patio at Director's Residence (Feature S-l) 244 

Figure 9.54. Water heater and slab at Building Q, Staff Housing Block (Feature S-2 vicinity) 244 

Figure 9.55. Staff Housing Block Laundry Room (Feature S-6) 247 

Figure 9.56. Overhead bi-pod view of latrine in Warehouse Block after removal of debris 

(Feature W-3) 247 

Figure 9.57. WRA stencil found in Warehouse Block 248 

Figure 9.58. Layout of typical residential block 249 

Figure 9.59. Building 1, Block, under construct 250 

Figure 9.60. Location Building 1, in 1993 250 

Figure 9.61. Overhead bi-pod view of typical resident block laundry room 251 

Figure 9.62. Typical laundry room grease trap 251 

Figure 9.63. Overhead bi-pod view of typical residential block ironing room 525 

Figure 9.64. Overhead bi-pod view of typical residential block women's wash room 253 

Figure 9.65. Overhead bi-pod view of typical residential block men's wash room 253 

Figure 9.66. Detailed overhead bi-pod view of typical residential block men's wash room 254 

Figure 9.67. Block 1 storm drain (Feature 1-2) 255 

Figure 9.68. Block 3 stoop (Feature 3-1) 255 

Figure 9.69. Block 7 faucet 257 

Figure 9.70. Block 9 garden complex (Feature 9-9) 259 

Figure 9.71. Block 9 stoop (Feature 9-10) 259 

Figure 9.72. Block 9, Building 6, Apartment 1 stoop (Feature 9-6) 260 

Figure 9.73. Fish hooks and clothing pin found near Block 9 mess hall 260 

Figure 9.74. Block 12 pond and garden complex (Feature 12-1) 262 

Figure 9.75. Block 12 pond and garden complex (Feature 12-1) 262 

Figure 9.76. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 13 264 

Figure 9.77. Block 13 Fire Station (Feature 13-1) 265 

Figure 9.78. Block 13 Fire Station (Feature 13-1) 266 

xxii 



Figure 9.79. Auditorium cornerstone found in Block 13 (Feature 13-8) 266 

Figure 9.80. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 14 268 

Figure 9.81. Block 14 rock alignments (Feature 14-1) 270 

Figure 9.82. Block 15 manhole and cover 273 

Figure 9.83. Block 15, Building 13, Apartment 4 entry (Feature 15-5) 273 

Figure 9.84. Block 17 rock alignments (Feature 17-2) 274 

Figure 9.85. Handprints in Block 18 concrete stoop (Feature 18-5) 276 

Figure 9.86. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 19 277 

Figure 9.87. Concrete bridge at Block 22 Pond (Feature 22-3) 280 

Figure 9.88. Block 22 Pond and garden complex (Feature 22-3) 281 

Figure 9.89. Block 22 Pond and garden complex (Feature 22-3) 281 

Figure 9.90. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 26 284 

Figure 9.91. Rock monument at Merritt Park (Feature 34-1) 289 

Figure 9.92. Retaining wall at teahouse location (Feature 34-2) 289 

Figure 9.93. Block 34 faucet 290 

Figure 9.94. Detail of Block 34 garden complex (Feature 34-4) 290 

Figure 9.95. Block 35 pond and bridge (Feature 35-1) 291 

Figure 9.96. Baseball field in 1944 293 

Figure 9.97. Location of baseball field in 1993 (A6-1) .293 

Figure 9.98. Wooden homeplate (Feature A9-2) 295 

Figure 9.99. Fire hydrant (Feature B3-7) 295 

Figure 9.100. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 11 and Firebreak F3 299 

Figure 9.101. Relocation Center entrance (Features P-37 through P-42) . 301 

Figure 9.102. Military Police Post (Feature 40), south side \ 302 

Figure 9.103. Military Police Post (Feature 40), west side 302 

Figure 9.104. Military Police Post (Feature 40), east side 303 

Figure 9.105. Military Police Post (Feature 40), north side 303 

Figure 9.106. Relocation center entrance in 1943 304 

Figure 9.107. Relocation center entrance in 1993 304 

Figure 9.108. Internal Police Post (Feature 41), south side 305 

Figure 9.109. Internal Police Post (Feature 41), west side 305 

Figure 9.110. Internal Police Post (Feature 41), east side 306 

Figure 9.111. Internal Police Post (Feature 41), north side 306 

Figure 9.112. Typical watchtower foundation 307 

Figure 9.113. Overhead view of Watchtower 8 foundation blocks (Feature P-29) 307 

Figure 9.114. Watchtower 7 foundation blocks (Feature P-47) 308 

Figure 9.115. Fences at Manzanar National Historic Site 309 

Figure 9.116. Concrete perimeter foundation (Feature P-7) 310 

Figure 9.117. Concrete perimeter foundation (Feature P-7) 310 

Figure 9.118. Barbecue grill in North Park (Feature P-14) 312 

Figure 9.119. Barbecue grill in North Park (Feature P-15) 313 

Figure 9.120. Wooden barrels and asphalt near the relocation center entrance (Feature P-36) 313 

Figure 9.121. Stoves west of Hospital Block 320 

Figure 9.122. Excavation at the hospital landfill 321 

Figure 9.123. Excavation Unit 25 south sidewall 321 

Figure 9.124. Excavation Unit 25 east sidewall profile 322 

Figure 9.125. Typical artifacts recovered from hospital landfill (MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus A) 325 

Figure 9.126. Excavation Unit 26 north sidewall profile 329 

Figure 9.127. Cemetery Monument (MANZ 1993 A-33) 331 

Figure 9.128. Cemetery Monument (MANZ 1993 A-33) 332 

Figure 9.129. Grave at cemetery (MANZ 1993 A-33) 332 

Figure 9.130. Pet cemetery (MANZ 1993 A-33) 333 

Figure 10.1. Relocation center-era sites recorded at Manzanar National Historic Site and environs . . . 336 

Figure 10.2. 1944 aerial photograph of Military Police Compound 337 

Figure 10.3. Concrete slab at Military Police Compound 338 

Figure 10.4. Concrete perimeter foundation at Military Police Compound 338 



xxni 



Figure 


10.5. 


Figure 


10.6. 


Figure 


10.7. 


Figure 


10.8. 


Figure 


10.9. 


Figure 


10.10 


Figure 


10.11 


Figure 


10.12 


Figure 


10.13 


Figure 


10.14 


Figure 


10.15 


Figure 


10.16 


Figure 


10.17 


Figure 


10.18 


Figure 


10.19 


Figure 


10.20 


Figure 


10.21 


Figure 


10.22 


Figure 


10.23 


Figure 


10.24 


Figure 


10.25 


Figure 


10.26 


Figure 


10.27 


Figure 


10.28 


Figure 


10.29 


Figure 


10.30 


Figure 


10.31 


Figure 


10.32 


Figure 


10.33 


Figure 


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Figure 

Figure 
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0.37. 
0.38. 
0.39. 
0.40. 
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0.43. 
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0.45. 
0.46. 
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0.48. 
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0.52. 
0.53. 
0.54. 
0.55. 
0.56. 



Overview of Military Police Compound 339 

1944 aerial photograph of the relocation center reservoir 340 

Relocation Center Reservoir 341 

1993 oblique aerial photograph of Relocation Center Reservoir 342 

Inscription at Relocation Center Reservoir 343 

Inscription at Relocation Center Reservoir 343 

Inscription at Relocation Center Reservoir 344 

Settling basin at Relocation Center Reservoir 344 

Settling basin inscription 345 

Settling basin inscription 345 

Concrete-walled ditch 346 

Concrete-walled ditch 346 

Inscriptions on concrete-walled ditch 346 

Inscriptions on concrete-walled ditch 346 

Inscriptions on concrete-walled ditch 346 

Foundation of chlorination shed (MANZ 1993 B-29, Feature 10) 346 

Dam at Relocation Center Reservoir (MANZ 1993 B-29, Feature 12) 347 

Dam at below Relocation Center Reservoir (MANZ 1993 B-29, Feature 12) 348 

Irrigation ditch to victory gardens (MANZ 1993 B-ll, Feature 2) 349 

Concrete weir box (MANZ 1993 B-ll, Feature 2) 349 

Chlorination tank slab (MANZ 1993 B-ll, Feature 6) 350 

Inscription at chlorination tank slab translated as "February 11, 1943 National 

Foundation Day" (MANZ 1993 B-ll, Feature 6) 350 

1944 aerial photograph of the Relocation Center Sewage Treatment Plant 351 

1993 oblique aerial view of the sewage treatment plant (MANZ 1993 B-28) 352 

Relocation Center Sewage Treatment Plant (MANZ 1993 B-28) 353 

Sewage Treatment Plant operational diagram (MANZ 1993 B-28) 354 

Control Room (MANZ 1993 B-28, Feature 1) 355 

Control Room (MANZ 1993 B-28, Feature 1) 356 

Sewage Treatment Plant headworks (MANZ 1993 B-28, Feature 2) 357 

Detail of headworks showing bar rack and bypass channel (MANZ 1993 B-28, 

Feature 2) 358 

Detail of headworks showing grit chamber and flow meter structure (MANZ 1993 

B-28, Feature 2) 358 

Digester (MANZ 1993 B-28, Feature 3) 358 

Digester heating unit 359 

Clarifier (MANZ 1993 B-28, Feature 4) 360 

Detail of clarifier (MANZ 1993 B-28, Feature 4) 360 

Clarifier 361 

Chlorine Contact Tank (MANZ 1993 B-28, Feature 5) 362 

1944 Aerial photograph of the Relocation Center Chicken Ranch 363 

Relocation Center Chicken Ranch (MANZ 1993 A-31) 364 

1993 oblique aerial view of Chicken Ranch (MANZ 1993 A-31) 365 

Office and processing plant foundation (MANZ 1993 A-31, Feature 1) 365 

Chicken coop foundation and retaining walls (MANZ 1993 A-31, Feature 5) 366 

Inscription at Chicken Ranch translated as "Oriental Steamship Company" 

(MANZ 1993 A-31, Inscription la) 366 

Chicken Ranch incinerator (MANZ 1993 A-31, Feature 9) 367 

1944 Aerial photograph of the Relocation Center Hog Farm 368 

Relocation Center Hog Farm (MANZ 1993 B-19) 369 

Inscription at Hog Farm translated as nine family names (MANZ 1993 B-19, Feature 1) . . 370 

Feeding slab at Hog Farm (MANZ 1993 B-19, Feature 5) 371 

Feeding slab at Hog Farm (MANZ 1993 B-19, Feature 8) 371 

Concrete trough at Hog Farm (MANZ 1993 B-19, Feature 9) 371 

Concrete sluice box (MANZ 1993 B-12, Feature 2) 372 

Inscription in concrete translated as "July 6 Oosuki" (MANZ 1993 B-12, Feature 2a) .... 373 



xxiv 



Figure 


10.57. 


Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


10.86. 


Figure : 


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Figure 1 


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Figure 


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Figure 


[0.90. 


Figure 


10.91. 


Figure ' 


[0.92. 


Figure '. 


[0.93. 


Figure 


[0.94. 


Figure '. 


[0.95. 


Figure '. 


[0.96. 


Figure 


L0.97. 


Figure 


[0.98. 


Figure 


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Figure : 


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Figure 1 


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Figure 


[0.102 


Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


[0.106 


Figure 


[0.107 


Figure 


10.108 


Figure 


[0.109 


Figure 


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Inscription in concrete translated as "Manzanar Great Japan" (MANZ 1993 B-12, 

Feature 2i) 373 

Wood flume (MANZ 1993 B-12, Feature 3) 374 

Concrete-lined ditch and sluice box (MANZ 1993 B-12, Feature 3) 374 

Dam on George Creek ((MANZ 1993 B-15, Feature 1) 375 

Japanese tonka inscribed on pipe support (MANZ 1993 B-15, Feature 2) 376 

Japanese tonka inscribed on pipe support (MANZ 1993 B-15, Feature 2) 376 

Concrete-lined ditch (MANZ 1993 B-15, Feature 3) 376 

Wood sluice gate (MANZ 1993 B-15, Feature 3) 377 

Inscription in concrete (MANZ 1993 B-12, Feature 3) 377 

Inscription in concrete (MANZ 1993 B-12, Feature 3e) 378 

Inscription in concrete (MANZ 1993 B-12, Feature 3f) 378 

Bridge and Dam on George Creek (MANZ 1993 B-17, Feature 1) 379 

Inscriptions in concrete retaining wall (MANZ 1993 B-17, Feature 1) 380 

Inscriptions in concrete retaining wall (MANZ 1993 B-17, Feature 1) 380 

Detail of irrigation ditch diversion area (MANZ 1993 B-17, Feature 5) 381 

Detail of irrigation ditch diversion area (MANZ 1993 B-17, Feature 5) 382 

Wooden sluice gate (MANZ 1993 A-34, Feature 5) 383 

Concrete diversion box (MANZ 1993 A-34, Feature 4) 383 

Concrete and rock penstock (MANZ 1993 B-30, Feature 3) 385 

Inscription on concrete and rock penstock (MANZ 1993 B-30, Feature 3d) 385 

Inscription on overturned concrete pipe support (MANZ 1993 B-38, Feature 3a) 387 

Relocation Center Landfill (MANZ 1993 B-8) 388 

Vandalized area of landfill (MANZ 1993 B-8, Feature 1) 389 

Gully erosion at landfill (MANZ 1993 B-8, Feature 1) 389 

Vandalized area of landfill (MANZ 1993 B-8, Feature 3) 391 

Metal recycling facility 392 

Abandoned evacuee vehicles at Manzanar 393 

Relocation Center Disposal Pits (MANZ 1993 A-9) 394 

Ceramic disposal pit (MANZ 1993 B-9, Feature 1) 394 

Exposed vehicle at disposal pits (MANZ 1993 B-9) 395 

Barrel hoops (MANZ 1993 A-35, Locus A) 396 

Dutch oven at Abernathy Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-20) 397 

Stone building at Albers Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-21) 398 

Dutch oven at Albers Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-21) 398 

1944 aerial photograph of Manzanar Airport 399 

Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27) 400 

Powerhouse at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 1) 402 

Powerhouse at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 1) 402 

Hanger slab at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 2) 403 

Hanger slab at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 2) 403 

Inscription at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 2) 403 

Foundation at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 3) 404 

Foundation at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 3) 404 

1993 oblique aerial view of the central portion of the Manzanar Airport (MANZ 

1993 B-27) 405 

Tie down at Manzanar Airport apron (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 4) 405 

Apron at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 4) 406 

Wind-T support at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 6) 407 

Detail of Wind-T support at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27, Feature 6) 407 

1993 oblique aerial view of the Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27) 408 

Tip-over disconnect fitting at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27) 408 

Contact light fixture at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27) 408 

Contact light fixture at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27) 409 

Lighting hardware found at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27) 409 

Inverted contact light fixture at Manzanar Airport (MANZ 1993 B-27) 409 



xxv 



Figure 


LO.lll 


Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure 


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Figure ; 


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Figure '. 


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Figure '. 


1.26. 


Figure '. 


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Figure '. 


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Figure '. 


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Modified barracks (Mt. Whitney Rifle Club, Lone Pine) 410 

Modified staff apartment (Lone Pine) 411 

Decorative concrete stumps from relocation center entrance (Independence) 411 

Lone Pine Train Station 412 

Carved inscription at Lone Pine Train Station 412 

Town-era sites within Manzanar National Historic Site 414 

1920s land ownership within Manzanar National Historic 415 

1929 photograph of Bogart House 416 

Concrete diversion box at Bogart House (MANZ 1993 A-23, Feature 1) 417 

1929 photograph of Bevis House 418 

1929 photograph of garage at Bevis House 418 

1929 photograph of chicken coop at Bevis House 419 

Overview of Bevis Place/Briggs Farm (MANZ 1993 A-19) 420 

1930s oblique aerial view of Campbell House and vicinity 421 

1929 photograph of Campbell House 422 

1929 photograph of garage at Campbell House 422 

1929 photograph of smoke house at Campbell House 423 

Ed Shepherd House 423 

Judo House slab after removal of debris (MANZ 1993 A-28) 424 

Floor safe (MANZ 1993 A-28) 424 

Floor safe (MANZ 1993 A-28) 425 

Excavation Unit 23 north sidewall profile 426 

1929 photograph of Capps House . 426 

Capps House in Independence 427 

1929 photograph of Christopher House 428 

1929 photograph of cellar at Christopher House 428 

Foundation at Christopher House (MANZ 1993 A-8) 429 

Foundation at Christopher House (MANZ 1993 A-8) 429 

1930s oblique aerial photograph of downtown Manzanar and vicinity 430 

Manzanar Store 431 

1929 photograph of Manzanar Store 431 

1929 photograph of Bandhauer House 432 

Bandhauer House 432 

Bandhauer House in Independence 433 

Community Hall 433 

1929 photograph of Community Hall 434 

1929 photograph of Manzanar Garage 434 

1929 photograph of Lacey House 435 

1929 photograph of stable (garage) at Lacey House 435 

Store basement (MANZ 1993 A-16, Feature 2) 436 

Store basement (MANZ 1993 A-16, Feature 2) 436 

Excavation Unit 22 north sidewall profile (MANZ 1993 A-16, Locus B) 438 

Excavation Unit 21 south sidewall profile (MANZ 1993 A-16, Locus D) 440 

1929 photograph of Gilmer Farmhouse 443 

1929 photograph of outbuilding at Gilmer Farm 443 

Gilmer Farm (MANZ 1993 A-6) 444 

Basement at Gilmer Farm (MANZ 1993 A-6, Feature 1) 445 

Well box at Gilmer Farm (MANZ 1993 A-6, Feature 2) 445 

Excavation Unit 15 east sidewall profile (MANZ 1993 A-6) 446 

Excavation Unit 16 east sidewall profile (MANZ 1993 A-6) 447 

1929 photograph of Graham Farmhouse 449 

1929 photograph of chicken coop at Graham Farm 449 

1929 photograph of Lenbek House 450 

1993 oblique aerial view of "North Park" 453 

1930s oblique aerial view of OVI headquarters and vicinity 454 

John Shepherd Ranch house 454 



xxvi 



Figure 


11.52. 


Figure 


11.53. 


Figure 


11.54. 


Figure 


11.55. 


Figure 


11.56. 


Figure 


11.57. 


Figure 


11.58. 


Figure 


11.59. 


Figure 


11.60. 


Figure 


11.61. 


Figure 


11.62. 


Figure 


11.63. 


Figure 


11.64. 


Figure 


11.65. 


Figure 


11.66. 


Figure 


11.67. 


Figure 


11.68. 


Figure 


11.69. 


Figure 


11.70. 


Figure 


11.71. 


Figure 


11.72. 


Figure 


11.73. 


Figure 


11.74. 


Figure 


11.75. 


Figure 


11.76. 


Figure 


11.77. 


Figure 


11.78. 


Figure 


11.79. 


Figure 


11.80. 


Figure 


11.81. 


Figure 


11.82. 


Figure 


11.83. 


Figure 


11.84. 


Figure 


11.85. 


Figure 


11.86. 


Figure 


11.87. 


Figure 


11.88. 


Figure 


12.1. 


Figure 


12.2. 


Figure 


12.3. 


Figure 


12.4. 


Figure 


12.5. 


Figure 


12.6. 


Figure 


12.7. 


Figure 


12.8. 


Figure 


12.9. 


Figure 


12.10. 


Figure 


12.11. 


Figure 


12.12. 


Figure 


12.13. 


Figure 


12.14. 


Figure 


12.15. 


Figure 


12.16. 


Figure 


12.17. 


Figure 


12.18. 


Figure 


12.19. 



John Shepherd Ranch 455 

John Shepherd Ranch house 455 

1929 photograph of OVI Headquarters 456 

Outbuilding at Shepherd Ranch 456 

1929 photograph of outbuilding at OVI Headquarters 457 

Outbuilding at Shepherd Ranch 457 

1929 photograph of outbuilding at OVI Headquarters 458 

1929 photograph of latrine at OVI Headquarters 458 

1929 photograph of garage at OVI Headquarters 459 

1929 photograph of warehouse at OVI Headquarters 459 

Rock-lined road (Feature 1) at MANZ 1993 A-13 460 

Foundation supports (Feature 4) at MANZ 1993 A-13 461 

Water trough (Feature 5) at MANZ 1993 A-13 462 

Water trough (Feature 6) at MANZ 1993 A-13 462 

Excavation Unit 18 south sidewall profile (MANZ 1993 A-13, Locus A) 464 

Excavation Unit 17 south sidewall profile (MANZ 1993 A-13, Locus B) 466 

Ink bottle recovered from Unit 17 at MANZ 1993 A-13 467 

1929 photograph of Wilder House , . 469 

Foundation of Wilder House (MANZ 1993 A-9) 470 

Foundation of Wilder House (MANZ 1993 A-9) 471 

1929 photograph of Bandhauer House 475 

1929 photograph of Chicken coop at Bandhauer Farm 475 

1929 photograph of Cornelius House 476 

1929 photograph of Lafon House ) 476 

Manzanar School 477 

1929 photograph of A.L. Meyers House 478 

1930s oblique aerial view of Smith Farm 479 

1929 photograph of Smith House 479 

1929 photograph of Wells House 481 

1929 photograph of cellar at Wells Farm 481 

Well No. 169 (MANZ 1993 A-12, Feature 3) 482 

Remnant orchard in Relocation Center Blocks 6 and 12 484 

Recently exposed concrete pipeline west of Wilder House 484 

Broken plate found at MANZ 1993 A-7, Locus B 486 

Trash dump (MANZ 1993 A-7, Locus D) 487 

"Durkee" salad dressing bottle found at MANZ 1993 A-7, Locus J 488 

Broken plates found at MANZ 1993 A-7, Locus J 489 

Town-era sites recorded at Manzanar National Historic Site and environs 494 

1929 photograph of Abernathy Ranch House 496 

1929 photograph of cellar at Abernathy Ranch 497 

Cellar at Abernathy Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-20, Feature 1) 497 

Abernathy Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-20) 498 

1929 photograph of Albers Ranch House 498 

1929 photograph of cellar at Albers Ranch 499 

1929 photograph of cellar at Albers Ranch 499 

Albers Ranch House, ca. 1890 500 

Albers Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-21) 501 

Cellar at Albers Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-21, Feature 1) 502 

Cellar at Albers Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-21, Feature 1) 502 

Foundation remnant at Albers Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-21, Feature 3) 503 

Smokehouse foundation at Albers Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-21, Feature 7) 503 

1929 photograph of concrete structures at Albers Ranch 504 

Concrete structures at Albers Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-24, Features 1 and 2) 504 

Concrete structures at Albers Ranch (MANZ 1993 B-24) 505 

Glade Homesite (MANZ 1993 B-23) 506 

Kispert Ranch House, ca. 1890 508 



xxvn 



Figure 


12.20 


Figure 


12.21 


Figure 


[2.22 


Figure 1 


L2.23 


Figure 


[2.24 


Figure 1 


[2.25 


Figure 1 


[2.26 


Figure 


[2.27 


Figure 1 


[2.28 


Figure 


[2.29 


Figure : 


12.30 


Figure 1 


[2.31 


Figure : 


[2.32. 


Figure 1 


[2.33. 


Figure 1 


[2.34. 


Figure 


[2.35 


Figure : 


L2.36 


Figure 


[2.37 


Figure 


[2.38 


Figure '. 


L2.39 


Figure ! 


[2.40. 


Figure '. 


[2.41. 


Figure : 


[2.42. 


Figure 1 


12.43. 


Figure : 


[2.44. 


Figure '. 


[2.45. 


Figure '. 


[2.46. 


Figure '. 


,2.47. 


Figure '. 


.2.48. 


Figure 1 


.2.49. 


Figure '. 


.2.50. 


Figure '. 


[2.51. 


Figure : 


[2.52. 


Figure : 


[2.53. 


Figure : 


[2.54. 


Figure 1 


[2.55. 


Figure ; 


[2.56. 


Figure : 


[2.57. 


Figure '. 


[2.58. 


Figure '. 


[2.59. 


Figure ! 


[2.60. 


Figure '. 


[2.61. 


Figure ! 


[2.62. 


Figure i 


[2.63. 


Figure '. 


[2.64. 


Figure '. 


[2.65. 


Figure '. 


l2.66. 


Figure ', 


.2.67. 


Figure ! 


.2.68. 


Figure '. 


.2.69. 


Figure '. 


2.70. 


Figure '. 


2.71. 


Figure '. 


.2.72. 


Figure ! 


l2.73. 


Figure ! 


[2.74. 


Figure '. 


[2.75 



1929 photograph of two-story residence at Hay Ranch 508 

1929 photograph of residence at Hay Ranch 509 

1929 photograph of garage at Hay Ranch 509 

1929 photograph of pumphouse at Hay Ranch 510 

1929 photograph of cellar at Hay Ranch 510 

Kispert/Hay Ranch (MANZ 1994 A-l) 511 

House foundation at Kispert/Hay Ranch (MANZ 1994 A-l, Feature 1) 512 

Garage foundation at Kispert/Hay Ranch (MANZ 1994 A-l, Feature 2) 512 

Cellar at Kispert/Hay Ranch (MANZ 1994 A-l, Feature 4) 513 

1929 photograph of Kreider Farmhouse 514 

1929 photograph of cellar at Kreider Farm 514 

Kreider Farm (MANZ 1993 B-33) 515 

Depression at Kreider Farm (MANZ 1993 B-33, Feature 1) 515 

1929 photograph of Lacey Farmhouse 516 

1929 photograph of outbuilding at Lacey Farm 517 

1929 photograph of outbuilding at Lacey Farm 517 

Lacey Farm (MANZ 1993 B-22) 518 

Abode and rock building at Lacey Farm (MANZ 1993 B-22, Feature 1) 519 

Abode and rock building at Lacey Farm (MANZ 1993 B-22, Feature 1) 519 

Foundation remains at Lacey Farm (MANZ 1993 B-22, Feature 4) 520 

Lennington Farm (MANZ 1995 A-2) 522 

Basement at Lennington Farm 523 

Foundation at Metzger/Correll property 524 

Trash scatter at Metzger/Correll property 524 

1930s oblique aerial view of Paget Farm 525 

1929 photograph of residence at Paget Farm 526 

1929 photograph of outbuilding at Paget Farm 526 

1929 photograph of latrine at Paget Farm 527 

1929 photograph of cellar at Paget Farm 527 

1929 photograph of outbuilding at Paget Farm 528 

Paget Farm 528 

Cellar at Paget Farm 529 

Buick logo found at Paget Farm trash scatter 529 

Upper dam and gauging station on Shepherd Creek 530 

Town Intake Dam 532 

Town Intake Dam 533 

Town Intake Dam 534 

1993 oblique aerial photograph of flumes along LADWP ditch 535 

Flume on LADWP ditch 535 

Flume on LADWP ditch 535 

LADWP ditch 536 

LADWP Bishop Office ditch, view towards south 536 

Northern terminus of LADWP Bishop Office ditch 537 

Names inscribed on cement-covered boulder 537 

Inscriptions on cement-covered boulder 538 

Concrete diversion boxes 539 

Bairs Creek Dam 539 

Bairs Creek Dam 540 

Rock wall above Bairs Creek Dam 542 

Exposed concrete pipeline 542 

"KT" valve found at MANZ 1993 B-15 542 

Retaining wall at upper weir on George Creek 543 

Wooden weir on upper George Creek 543 

Wooden Bridge 546 

Can dump at MANZ 1993 B-7 548 

MANZ 1993 B-18 551 



XXVlll 



Figure 12.76. Embossed glass artifacts from MANZ 1993 B-18 552 

Figure 12.77. MANZ 1993 B-32, view towards north 553 

Figure 12.78. Stripped vehicle at MANZ 1993 B-34 554 

Figure 13.1. Native American Indian sites and isolates within Manzanar National Historic Site 558 

Figure 13.2. MANZ 1993 A-l 560 

Figure 13.3. Excavation Unit 2 south sidewall profile 561 

Figure 13.4. Projectile points and bifaces from MANZ 1933 A-l 563 

Figure 13.5. Mano fragments from MANZ 1933 A-l 556 

Figure 13.6. Obsidian hydration results for MANZ 1933 A-l 568 

Figure 13.7. MANZ 1993 A-2 569 

Figure 13.8. Excavation Unit 3, south sidewall 571 

Figure 13.9. Excavation Unit 4, east sidewall 571 

Figure 13.10. Excavation Unit 5 south sidewall profile 572 

Figure 13.11. Excavation Unit 24 north sidewall profile 573 

Figure 13.12. Projectile points from MANZ 1993 A-2 574 

Figure 13.13. Bifaces from MANZ 1993 A-2 579 

Figure 13.14. Basalt core from MANZ 1993 A-2 581 

Figure 13.15. Hammerstones from MANZ 1993 A-2 584 

Figure 13.16. Manos from MANZ 1993 A-2 585 

Figure 13.17. Mano fragments from MANZ 1993 A-2 586 

Figure 13.18. Incised stone from MANZ 1993 A-2 587 

Figure 13.19. Radiocarbon results for MANZ 1993 A-2, Feature 1 588 

Figure 13.20. Obsidian hydration results for MANZ 1993 A-2 589 

Figure 13.21. MANZ 1993 A-3 591 

Figure 13.22. Excavation Unit 7 east sidewall profile 592 

Figure 13.23. Desert Side-notched projectile point and bifacial tool from MANZ 1993 A-3 594 

Figure 13.24. Mano from MANZ 1993 A-3 595 

Figure 13.25. Obsidian hydration results for MANZ 1993 A-3 596 

Figure 13.26. MANZ 1993 A-4 598 

Figure 13.27. 1854 half dollar found at MANZ 1993 A-4 599 

Figure 13.28. Excavation Unit 12 south sidewall profile 600 

Figure 13.29. Excavation Unit 14 east sidewall profile 601 

Figure 13.30. Projectile points from MANZ 1993 A-44 606 

Figure 13.31. Projectile points found associated with burial at MANZ 1993 A-4 607 

Figure 13.32. Bifaces from MANZ 1993 A-4 608 

Figure 13.33. Bifacial tool found associated with burial at MANZ 1993 A-4 609 

Figure 13.34. Manos from MANZ 1993 A-4 611 

Figure 13.35. Metate fragments from MANZ 1993 A-4 612 

Figure 13.36. Metate fragment from MANZ 1993 A-4, Locus B 613 

Figure 13.37. Vesicular basalt pipe bowl found associated with burial at MANZ 1993 A-4 613 

Figure 13.38. Obsidian hydration results for MANZ 1993 A-4 617 

Figure 13.39. Miscellaneous flaked stone artifacts found at Manzanar National Historic Site 618 

Figure 14.1. Native American Indian sites recorded at Manzanar National Historic Site and environs . 622 

Figure 14.2. MANZ 1993 B-l site map 624 

Figure 14.3. Flaked stone artifacts found outside Manzanar National Historic Site 625 

Figure 14.4. Cut shovel blade found at MANZ 1993 B-l, Locus D 626 

Figure 14.5. MANZ 1993 B-2 site map 627 

Figure 14.6. Bedrock mortar at MANZ 1994 A-l 629 

Figure 14.7. Distribution of isolated Native American Indian artifacts within MANZ 1993 B-15 630 

Figure 15.1. Obsidian Hydration results 648 

Figure 15.2. Manzanar National Historic Site and recommended addition 654 

Figure 15.3. Relocation center entrance 656 

Figure 15.4. Major interpretive features at Manzanar National Site 658 

Figure A.l. Manzanar inscriptions 667 

Figure A. 2. Administration Block inscriptions 668 

Figure A. 3. Hospital Block and Service Station Area inscriptions 669 



XXIX 



Figure A. 4. Residential blocks and perimeter area inscriptions 670 

Figure A. 5. Reservoir inscriptions 671 

Figure A. 6. Reservoir inscriptions 672 

Figure A. 7. Reservoir inscriptions 673 

Figure A. 8. Reservoir inscriptions 674 

Figure A. 9. Water delivery system inscriptions 675 

Figure A. 10. Chicken Ranch inscriptions 676 

Figure A. 11. Hog Farm inscriptions 677 

Figure A. 12. North fields irrigation system inscriptions 678 

Figure A. 13. North fields irrigation system inscriptions 679 

Figure A. 14. South fields irrigation system inscriptions 680 

Figure A. 15. South fields irrigation system inscriptions 681 

Figure A. 16. Far south fields irrigation system inscriptions 682 

Figure A. 17. Far south fields irrigation system inscriptions 683 

Figure A. 18. Inscriptions at Bairs Creek irrigation system 684 

Figure B.l. Typical Owens Illinois Bottle Company basemark 688 

Figure B.2. Bottle lip morphology 736 

Figure B.3. Beverage, food storage, and household glass artifacts from pre-relocation center 

contexts 737 

Figure B.4. Pharmaceutical and other glass artifacts from pre-relocation center contexts 738 

Figure B.5. Non-alcoholic beverage glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 739 

Figure B.6. Alcoholic beverage glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 740 

Figure B.7. Food storage glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 741 

Figure B.8. Clear narrow-mouth food storage glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 742 

Figure B.9. Clear narrow-mouth food storage glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 743 

Figure B.10 Clear one-gallon glass jug from relocation center landfill 744 

Figure B.ll. Clear wide-mouth food storage glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 745 

Figure B.12. Clear wide-mouth food storage glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 746 

Figure B.13. Amber and clear narrow-mouth food storage glass artifacts from relocation center 

contexts 747 

Figure B.14. Food storage, household, and pharmaceutical glass artifacts from relocation center 

contexts 748 

Figure B.15. Pharmaceutical glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 749 

Figure B.16. Pharmaceutical glass artifacts from excavation Unit 25 750 

Figure B.17. Amber pharmaceutical glass artifacts from excavation Unit 25 751 

Figure B.l 8. Pharmaceutical glass basemarks and embossed plastic caps on jars from excavation 

Unit 25 752 

Figure B.19. Miscellaneous small pharmaceutical glass artifacts from excavation Unit 25 753 

Figure B.20. Other glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 754 

Figure B.21 Other glass artifacts from relocation center contexts 755 

Figure B.22. Glass artifacts from post-relocation center contexts 756 

Figure C.l. Assorted cans 783 

Figure C.2. Coffee can lids 784 

Figure C.3. Container lids 785 

Figure C.4. Embossed cans from MANZ 1993 B-10 786 

Figure C.5. Embossed cans from MANZ 1993 B-34 787 

Figure C.6. Utensils 788 

Figure C.7. Self-care products and shaving paraphernalia 789 

Figure C.8. Toys and musical instruments 790 

Figure C.9. Calf weaner from MANZ 1993 B-34 791 

Figure C.10. Miscellaneous metal artifacts 792 

Figure D.l. Ceramics and manufacturers' marks associated with the 1860-1910 ranching period 

at Manzanar 849 

Figure D.2. Ceramics and manufacturers' marks associated with the 1860-1910 ranching period 

at Manzanar 850 



xxx 



Figure D.3. 

Figure D.4. 

Figure D.5. 

Figure D.6. 
Figure D.7. 

Figure D.8. 

Figure D.9. 
Figure D. 10. 
Figure D.ll. 
Figure D.12. 

Figure D.13. 

Figure D.14. 

Figure F.l. 



Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 
Figure 



G.l. 

G.2. 

G.3. 

G.4. 

G.5. 

G.6. 

1.1. 

1.2. 

J.l. 

N.l. 

N.2. 

N.3. 

N.4. 

N.5. 

N.6. 

N.7. 

N.8. 

N.9. 

N.10. 

N.ll. 

N.12. 

N.13. 

N.14. 

N.15. 

N.16. 

N.17. 

N.18. 

N.19. 

N.20. 



Ceramics and manufacturers' marks associated with the 1910-1935 Manzanar 

townsite period 851 

Ceramics and manufacturers' marks associated with the 1910-1935 Manzanar 

townsite period 852 

Ceramics and manufacturers' marks associated with the 1910-1935 Manzanar 

townsite period 853 

Japanese-made ceramics dating to the 1942-1945 Manzanar Relocation Center period .... 854 
Japanese-made ceramics and manufacturers' marks on porcelains dating to the 1942- 

1945 Manzanar Relocation Center period 855 

Japanese-made ceramics and manufacturers' marks on porcelains dating to the 1942- 

1945 Manzanar Relocation Center period 856 

Typical hotelware shapes from U.S. government specification M-C-301 857 

American hotelwares dating to the 1942-1945 Manzanar Relocation Center period 858 

American hotelwares dating to the 1942-1945 Manzanar Relocation Center period 859 

American manufacturers' marks on ceramics dating to the 1942-1945 Manzanar 

Relocation Center period 860 

American manufacturers' marks on ceramics dating to the 1942-1945 Manzanar 

Relocation Center period 861 

American manufacturers' marks on ceramics dating to the 1942-1945 Manzanar 

Relocation Center period 862 

Hot water bottle from MANZ 1993 A- 15, Locus B and toothbrush from MANZ 

1993 B-8, Feature 1 888 

Cumulative debitage proportion, MANZ 1993 A-l, Units 1 and 2 1 . 892 

Cumulative debitage proportions, MANZ 1993 A-2, Units 3 through 6 892 

Cumulative debitage proportions, MANZ 1993 A-3, Unit 7 894 

Cumulative debitage proportions, MANZ 1993 A-4, Units 9 through 14 894 

Cumulative debitage proportions, MANZ 1993 A-2, Unit 24 896 

Size-grade data from MANZ 1993 A excavation units 897 

Burial plan and profile 939 

Teeth and dental casts from hospital landfill 941 

Eastern Sierra obsidian sources 944 



LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 
LADWP pla 



maps included in Appendix N 959 

map: T13S, R35E, section 33 960 

map: T13S, R35E, section 34 961 

map: T14S, R35E, section 2 962 

map: T14S, R35E, section 3 963 

map: T14S, R35E, section 4 964 

map: T14S, R35E, section 9 965 

map: T14S, R35E, section 10 966 

map: T14S, R35E, section 11 967 

map: T14S, R35E, section 12 968 

map: T14S, R35E, section 14 969 

map: T14S, R35E, section 15 970 

map: T14S, R35E, section 16 971 

map: T14S, R35E, section 21 972 

map: T14S, R35E, section 22 973 

map: T14S, R35E, section 23 974 

map: T14S, R35E, section 24 975 

map: T14S, R35E, section 25 976 

map: T14S, R35E, section 26 977 

map: T14S, R35E, section 27 978 



XXXI 




FOOD wilt WIN the WAR 



XXXll 



List of Tables 




Table 2.1. Vegetation Identified During Survey of Manzanar National Historic Site and Environs .... 10 

Table 3.1. WCCA Assembly Centers 21 

Table 3.2. WRA Relocation Centers 27 

Table 3.3. Disposition of Assembly Centers 28 

Table 3.4. Quartermaster Property Shipped to Relocation Centers 29 

Table 3.5. Relocation Center Agricultural Enterprises, June 1944 33 

Table 3.6. Relocation Center Statistics 38 

Table 3.7. Disposition of WRA Centers 44 

Table 4.1. WCCA (contractor-built) Constructed Buildings at Manzanar Relocation Center 55 

Table 4.2. WRA (evacuee-built) Construction at Manzanar Relocation Center 60 

Table 4.3. Manzanar Relocation Center Farm Production 95 

Table 4.4. Relocation Center Chicken and Egg Production 97 

Table 4.5. Relocation Center Hog Production 100 

Table 6.1. LADWP land purchases in the Manzanar vicinity between 1920 and 1929 150 

Table 8.1. Detailed Mapping at Manzanar National Historic Site and Vicinity 187 

Table 8.2. Distribution of 1 m by 1 m Test Units at Manzanar National Historic Site 191 

Table 9.1. Marks Noted on Artifacts at the Relocation Center Central Area (MANZ 1993 A-30) .... 206 

Table 9.2. Tabulation of Historic Artifacts in the Staff Housing Blocks 245 

Table 9.3. Tabulation of Historic Artifacts in Residential Block 2 263 

Table 9.4. Tabulation of Historic Artifacts in Residential Block 13 267 

Table 9.5. Tabulation of Historic Artifacts in Residential Block 14 269 

Table 9.6. Tabulation of Historic Artifacts in Residential Block 21 279 

Table 9.7. Historic Artifacts Recovered from Feature P-17 (MANZ 1993 A-30 [Excavation Unit 

19]) 317 

Table 9.8. Historic Artifacts Recovered from Feature P-18 (MANZ 1993 A-30 [Excavation Unit 

18]) 319 

Table 9.9. Historic Artifacts Recovered from the Relocation Center Hospital Landfill (MANZ 

1993 A-37, Locus A [Excavation Unit 25]) 323 

Table 9.10. Marks Noted on Artifacts at the Relocation Center Hospital Landfill (MANZ 1993 

A-37, Locus A) 324 

Table 9.11. Historic Artifacts Recovered from the Post-Relocation Center Landfill (MANZ 1993 

A-37, Locus C [Excavation Unit 26]) 326 

Table 9.12. Marks Noted on Artifacts at the Post-Relocation Center Landfill (MANZ 1993 A-37, 

Locus C [Excavation Unit 26]) 327 

Table 10.1. Recorded Sites Outside Manzanar National Historic Site Associated with Relocation 

Center 335 

Table 10.2. Marks Noted at the Relocation Center Landfill (MANZ 1993 B-8 390 

Table 10.3. Ceramic Hallmarks Noted at the Relocation Center Disposal Pits (MANZ 1993 B-9) 395 

Table 10.4. Buildings Moved From Manzanar Relocation Center 410 

Table 11.1. Historical Buildings Once Within the Boundaries of Manzanar National Historic Site .... 413 
Table 11.2. Artifacts Recovered from Excavation Unit 23 at Campbell/Ed Shepherd House 

(MANZ 1993 A-28) 427 

Table 11.3. Artifacts Recovered from Excavation Unit 22 at Locus B of Downtown Manzanar 

(MANZ 1993 A-16) 439 

Table 11.4. Artifacts Recovered from Excavation Unit 21 at Locus D of Downtown Manzanar 

(MANZ 1993 A-16) 441 

Table 11.5. Artifacts Recovered from Excavation Unit 16 at Gilmer Ranch (MANZ 1993 A-6) 448 

Table 11.6. Artifacts Recovered from Excavation Unit 18 at Locus A of OVI Headquarters/ 

Shepherd Ranch (MANZ 1993 A-13) 465 



xxxni 



Table 11.7. Artifacts Recovered from Excavation Unit 17 at Locus B of OVI Headquarters/ 

Shepherd Ranch (MANZ 1993 A-13) 467 

Table 11.8. Tabulation of Artifacts in Three 2 m by 2 m Unit at Locus A of Wicks Place/ 

Hawthrone Property (MANZ 1993 A-15) 472 

Table 11.9. Tabulation of Artifacts in Three 2 m by 2 m Units at Locus B of Wicks Place/ 

Hawthrone Property (MANZ 1993 A-15) 473 

Table 11.10. Tabulation of Artifacts in Three 2 m by 2 m Units at Locus F of MANZ 1993 490 

Table 12.1. Historical Ranches and Farms Recorded Outside of Manzanar National Historic Site .... 495 

Table 12.2. Marks Noted at MANZ 1993 B-7 550 

Table 12.3. Marks Noted at MANZ 1993 B-32 553 

Table 12.4. Marks Noted at MANZ 1993 B-34 555 

Table 13.1. Characteristics of Native American Indian Sites within Manzanar National Historic Site . . 559 

Table 13.2. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 1 (MANZ 1993 A-l) 562 

Table 13.3. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 2 (MANZ 1993 A-l) 562 

Table 13.4. Metrical and Provenience Data for Projectile Points Recovered from MANZ 1993 A-l . . . 564 

Table 13.5. Metrical and Provenience Data for Biface Fragments Recovered from MANZ 1993 A-l . . . 564 

Table 13.6. Surface Treatment of individual sherds from MANZ 1993 A-l 566 

Table 13.7. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 3 (MANZ 1993 A-2) . 575 

Table 13.8. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 4 (MANZ 1993 A-2) 575 

Table 13.9. Distribution of Artifact and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 5 (MANZ 1993 A-2) 576 

Table 13.10. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 6 (MANZ 1993 A-2) 576 

Table 13.11. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 24 (MANZ 1993 A-2) . 577 

Table 13.12. Metrical and Provenience Data for Projectile Points Recovered from MANZ 1993 A-2 ... 578 

Table 13.13. Metrical and Provenience Data for Biface Fragments Recovered from MANZ 1993 A-2 . . . 580 

Table 13.14. Metrical and Provenience Data for Cores Recovered from MANZ 1993 A-2 582 

Table 13.15. Metrical and Provenience Data for Complete Manos Recovered from MANZ 1993 A-2 . . . 585 

Table 13.16. Surface Treatment of Individual Sherds from MANZ 1993 A-2 587 

Table 13.17. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 7 (MANZ 1993 A-3) 593 

Table 13.18. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 8 (MANZ 1993 A-3) 593 

Table 13.19. Metrical and Provenience Data for Projectile Points and Bifaces Recovered from 

MANZ 1993 A-3 595 

Table 13.20. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 9 (MANZ 1993 A-4) 603 

Table 13.21. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 10 (MANZ 1993 A-4) 603 

Table 13.22. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 11 (MANZ 1993 A-4) 604 

Table 13.23. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 12 (MANZ 1993 A-4) 604 

Table 13.24. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 13 (MANZ 1993 A-4) 605 

Table 13.25. Distribution of Artifacts and Ecofacts in Excavation Unit 14 (MANZ 1993 A-4) 605 

Table 13.26. Metrical and Provenience Data for Projectile Points Recovered from MANZ 1993 A-4 . . . 607 

Table 13.27. Metrical and Provenience Data for Biface Fragments Recovered from MANZ 1993 A-4 . . . 610 

Table 13.28. Surface Treatment of Individual Sherds from MANZ 1993 A-4 614 

Table 13.29. Metrical and Provenience Data for Projectile Point from MANZ 1993 A-19 and 

Isolated Projectile Points and Bifaces from within Manzanar National Historic Site 618 

Table 14.1. Metrical and Provenience Data for Projectile Points and Bifaces Collected Outside 

Manzanar National Historic Site 628 

Table 15.1. Temporally Diagnostic Artifacts Recovered During Survey and Testing at Manzanar 

National Historic Site 648 

Table A.l. Features with Dated Inscriptions 666 

Table B.l. Glass Container Marker's Marks and Embossments in Manzanar Collection with 

Manufacturer and Dating Information 689 

Table B.2. Owens Illinois Manufacturing Plants Represented in Glass Artifacts from Relocation 

Center Contexts at Manzanar 693 

Table B.3. Non-alcoholic Beverage Glass artifacts from Pre-Relations 694 

Table B.4. Alcoholic Beverage Glass Artifacts in and Pre-Relocation Center Contexts 695 

Table B.5. Food Storage Glass Artifacts from Pre-Relocation Center Contexts 697 

Table B.6. Household Glass Artifacts from Pre-Relocation Center Contexts 702 

Table B.7. Structural Glass Artifacts from Pre-Relocation Center Contexts 703 



xxxiv 



Table B.8. Pharmaceutical Glass Artifacts from Pre-Relocation Center Contexts 704 

Table B.9. Other Glass Artifacts from Pre-Relocation Center Contents 706 

Table B.10. Nondiagnostic Glass Container Fragments for Pre-Relocation Center Contexts 708 

Table B.ll. Non-alcoholic Beverage Glass Artifacts from Relocation Center Contexts 709 

Table B.12. Alcoholic Beverage Glass Artifacts from Relocation Center Contexts 712 

Table B.13. Food Storage Glass Artifacts from Relocation Center Contexts 713 

Table B.14. Household Glass Artifacts from Relocation Center Contexts 717 

Table B.15. Structural Glass Artifacts from Relocation Center Contexts 719 

Table B.16. Pharmaceutical Glass Artifacts from Relocation Center Contexts 720 

Table B.17. Other Glass Artifacts from Relocation Center Contexts 724 

Table B.18. Nondiagnostic Glass Container Fragments from Relocation Center Contexts 728 

Table B.19. Non-alcoholic Beverage Glass Artifacts from Post-Relocation Center Contexts 729 

Table B.20. Alcoholic Beverage Glass Artifacts from Post-Relocation Center Contexts 730 

Table B.21. Food Storage Glass Artifacts from Post-Relocation Center Contexts 732 

Table B.22. Household Glass Artifacts from Post-Relocation Center Contexts 733 

Table B.23. Structural Glass Artifacts from Post-Relocation Center Contexts 734 

Table B.24. Pharmaceutical Glass Artifacts from Post-Relocation Center Contexts 734 

Table B.25. Other Glass Artifacts from Post-Relocation Center Contexts 735 

Table B.26. Nondiagnostic Glass Container Fragments from Post Relocation Center Contexts 735 

Table C.l. Metal Hardware Collected During Survey and Surface Collections 761 

Table C.2. Metal Electrical Parts Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 762 

Table C.3. Cans Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 762 

Table C.4. Can Ends and Can Fragments Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 768 

Table C.5. Lids and Other Closures Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 769 

Table C.6. Utensils Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 771 

Table C.7. Metal Household Items Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 771 

Table C.8. Jewelry Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 772 

Table C.9. Metal Buttons Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 772 

Table CIO. Coins Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 772 

Table Oil. Metal Personal Items Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 773 

Table C.12. Metal Toys and Toy Fragments Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 773 

Table C.13. Harmonica Fragment Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 774 

Table C.14. Cartridges Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 774 

Table C.15. Metal Machinery Parts Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 774 

Table C.16. Metal Tools Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 775 

Table C.17. Uncategorized Metal Artifacts Collected During Survey and Surface Collection 775 

Table C.18. Metal Artifacts Recovered From Excavation Units 776 

Table C.19. Nail and Staple Totals Recovered During Excavation by Type 780 

Table C.20. Size and Number of Nails, Staples, and Tacks Recovered During Excavation 781 

Table D.l. Manzanar Historical Ceramics 810 

Table D.2. Date Ranges for Historical Ceramics by Provenience Based on Manufacturers' Marks, 

Ware, and Decorative Style 845 

Table E.l. Distribution of Button Material Types in Manzanar Collection 864 

Table F.l Cloth Items Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Historic Site 881 

Table F.2. Cork Items Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Historic Site 881 

Table F.3. Electrical Porcelain Artifacts Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National 

Historic Site 881 

Table F.4. Floral Remains Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Historic Site 882 

Table F.5. Leather Items Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Historic Site 883 

Table F.6. Paper Items Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Site 883 

Table F.7. Plastic Artifacts Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Historic Site 884 

Table F.8. Rubber Artifacts Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Historic Site 885 

Table F.9. Shell Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Historic Site 885 

Table F.10. Terra Cotta Flower Pot Fragments Collected During Field Work at Manzanar 

National Historic Site 886 

Table F.ll. Wood Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Historic Site 886 



xxxv 



Table F. 12. Other Historic Materials Collected During Field Work at Manzanar National Historic 

Site 887 

Table G.l. Debitage Distribution 890 

Table G.2. Debitage Flake Types 898 

Table H.l. Taxonomic Groups Represented in the Faunal Assemblages from Prehistoric Sites at 

Manzanar National Historic Site 902 

Table H.2. Taxonomic Groups Represented int he Faunal Assemblages from Historical Sites at 

Manzanar National Historic Site 903 

Table H.3. Faunal Bone Counts for Prehistoric Sites at Manzanar National Historic Site by- 
Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) and Minimum Number of Individuals 

(MNI) ) 904 

Table H.4. Frequencies of Lagomorph Elements from Prehistoric Sites at Manzanar National 

Historic Site 906 

Table H.5. Artiodactyl Elements in the Prehistoric Assemblages from Manzanar National Historic 

Site 909 

Table H.6. Frequencies of Burned Bone by Taxon from Prehistoric Sites at Manzanar National 

Historic Site 913 

Table H.7. Burning Color Frequencies for Burned Bone from Prehistoric Sites at Manzanar 

National Historic Site 914 

Table H.8. Noncultural Bone Surface Modification in the Prehistoric Assemblages from Manzanar 

National Historic Site 915 

Table H.9. Occurrences of Cut Marks on Bones from Prehistoric Sites at Manzanar National 

Historic Site 916 

Table H.10. Worked Bone Recovered from Prehistoric Sites at Manzanar National Historic Site 918 

Table H.ll. Complete Elements Recovered from Prehistoric Sites at Manzanar National Historic 

Site 920 

Table H.12. Faunal Assemblage Characteristic from Late Prehistoric Sites/Components in the 

Owens Valley 921 

Table H.13. Comparisons of Faunal Material Recovered per Screen Size from Prehistoric Sites at 

Manzanar National Historic Site 923 

Table H.14. Faunal Bone Counts from Sites Associated with the Manzanar Townsite 925 

Table H.l 5 Identifiable Elements from Major Meat Animals in the Three Largest Manzanar 

Townsite Assemblages 926 

Table H.l 6. Bone Surface Modifications in Assemblages from Manzanar Town-era Sites 928 

Table H.17. Burning Color Frequencies for Burned Bone from Manzanar Town-era Sites 929 

Table H.l 8. Faunal Bone Counts for Relocation Center Assemblages 930 

Table H.19. Identifiable Elements from Major Meat Animals from MANZ 1993 A-30 and MANZ 

1993 A-37 934 

Table H.20. Surface Modifications on Bone from Relocation Center and Post-relocation Center 

Contexts 935 

Table H.21. Burning Color Frequencies for Bone from Relocation Center and Post-relocation 

Center Contexts 935 

Table J.l. Obsidian Varieties in Manzanar Assemblage Based on Visual Criteria 945 

Table J. 2. Percent in Each Obsidian Material Type and XRF-Sourcing Results 946 

Table K.l. Obsidian X-Ray Fluorescence Data 949 

Table L.l. Obsidian Hydration Results 954 

Table P.l. MANZ 1993 A-30 Feature Designations 1000 

Table P.2. Site Concordance 1011 

Table P.3 CHRIS Trinomial Designations 1016 



xxxvi 



Chapter I 

Introduction 




Between April 1993 and May 1995, National 
Park Service archeologists from the 
Western Archeological and Conservation 
Center in Tucson, Arizona, conducted archeolog- 
ical investigations at Manzanar National Historic 
Site. This report presents the results of that 
work. 

Manzanar National Historic Site was authorized 
by Congress on March 3, 1992. The National 
Historic Site is intended to "provide for the 
protection and interpretation of historic, cultural, 
and natural resources associated with the reloca- 
tion of Japanese-Americans during World War 
II." (Public Law 102-248). 

The National Historic Site is on land currently 
owned by the Los Angeles Department of Water 
and Power (LADWP). The National Park 
Service is in the process of acquiring the site and 
developing a General Management Plan, which 
includes proposals for visitor facilities and 
interpretation. Part of the planning process, the 
archeological work described in this report had 
two objectives: first, to document the current 
condition of the relocation center site and related 
features; second, to determine if other historical 
or prehistoric remains exist within the autho- 
rized National Historic Site boundary (Burton 
1993, 1994). This information will be used to 
help gauge interpretive potential of individual 



features and protection measures needed during 
the development and maintenance of visitor 
facilities. 

Background 

Manzanar National Historic Site is located 
along U.S. Highway 395, between the towns of 
Lone Pine and Independence in Inyo County, 
California (Figure 1.1). The Manzanar Reloca- 




Ma.n7.anar 
National 
Historic Site 



Figure 1.1. Manzanar National Historic Site. 



tion Center was listed on the National Register 
of Historic Places on July 30, 1979, for its 
association with events that have made a signifi- 
cant contribution to the broad patterns of U.S. 
history (Criterion A), specifically the internment 
of Japanese Americans during World War II. 
Being less than 50 years old at the time and 
therefore normally excluded from listing on the 
National Register, the relocation center was 
deemed to be of exceptional importance (crite- 
rion G). The site gained National Historic 
Landmark status in 1985. 

The Manzanar Relocation Center was one of ten 
camps at which Japanese American citizens and 
Japanese immigrants were interned during World 
War II. Executive Order 9066 allowed for people 
of Japanese ancestry residing on the West Coast 
to be placed in relocation centers. Construction 
at Manzanar began in March 1942; it remained in 
operation until late in 1945. At its peak, Manza- 
nar held a population of over 10,000. 

The authorized 550-acre National Historic Site 
includes the area once surrounded by barbed 
wire, that formed the central portion of the 
relocation center and the adjacent cemetery. The 
living area consisted of 36 blocks, each with 14 
barracks, a mess hall, a community building, a 
laundry, and latrines. Other blocks contained 
administrative buildings, warehouses, factories, 
and a hospital. Beyond the barbed wire were 
farm fields, hog and chick- 
en farms, a reservoir, 
cemetery, and sewage 
treatment plant. In all, the 
Manzanar facility encom- 
passed 6,500 acres. 



The most visible remains 
at the relocation center 
today are a police post and 
a sentry house at the en- 
trance, an auditorium 
(until recently used by 
Inyo County as a vehicle 
maintenance facility), and 



a monument at the cemetery. However, through- 
out the site there are dozens of concrete founda- 
tions, portions of the water, sewer, and road 
systems, remnants of rock gardens and ponds 
built by the internees, and other remains (Figure 
1.2). 

While Manzanar's best-known history is its most 
recent, the site also contains evidence of earlier 
historical eras, including Native American Indian 
use, late nineteenth century ranches, and the 
early twentieth century town of Manzanar. 

The Manzanar vicinity had been used by Paiute 
and Shoshone peoples for centuries. When the 
Owens Valley was first visited by Euroamericans 
in the mid nineteenth century there were 
numerous large villages, with the inhabitants 
practicing horticulture as well as hunting and 
gathering. In 1933, ethnographer Julian Steward 
recorded three villages near the National Historic 
Site, and George Creek, to the south, was named 
for a Paiute Chief. Many Native American 
Indian sites are known in the area surrounding 
the National Historic Site and a prehistoric site 
had been previously identified within the 
relocation center by the California Department 
of Parks and Recreation during studies in the late 
1970s (National Park Service 1989:2). 

One of the earliest Euroamerican settlers in the 
Manzanar area was John Shepherd, who in 1864 




Figure 1.2. Aerial view of Manzanar National Historic Site; north is to 
the right, the relocation center auditorium is in the left center of the 
photograph and a portion of the Manzanar Airport is at the bottom. 



homesteaded 160 acres 3 miles north of George 
Creek. His cattle ranch eventually grew to over 
2,000 acres. In 1905, pioneer land developer 
George Chaffey bought and subdivided the 
Shepherd Ranch and other adjacent ranches to 
found the town of Manzanar. By the 1920s the 
town boasted a general store, garage, town hall, 
two-room school house, over 25 homes, tree- 
lined streets, and nearly 5,000 acres of apple, 
pear, and peach orchards and alfalfa fields. 
Remnant trees of these early orchards still exist 
today. As early as 1905 Los Angeles began 
acquiring water rights in Owens Valley and 
completed an aqueduct to Los Angeles in 1913. 
By 1933 the city owned 95 percent of all farm 
land and 85 percent of all town property in the 
valley. Like many small communities, the town 
of Manzanar was then abandoned and the land 
remained vacant until the relocation center was 
constructed. 

Archeological Studies 

Field work was designed to identify and evalu- 
ate archeological remains within and around 
the National Historic Site, and included survey 
of over 1,200 acres, site recording, mapping, 
subsurface testing, and photography. Over 350 
person-days were spent in the field. At present 
the National Park Service controls none of the 
land at the National Historic Site (Figure 1.3); 
field work was conducted under permits from 
the Los Angeles Department of Water and 
Power and the Bureau of Land Management. 

During the archeological survey, 84 archeologi- 
cal sites were discovered and recorded. Some of 
these sites are related to the relocation center, 
but many predate it. In all, 12 Native Ameri- 
can Indian sites, dozens of sites and features 
associated with the town of Manzanar and 
earlier ranches, and all of the known features 
of the relocation center have been fully re- 
corded. Within the National Historic Site, test 
excavations were undertaken at four Native 
American Indian sites, four sites associated 
with the town of Manzanar, three relocation 
center features, and a late 1940s dump. 



Report Structure 

In this report Chapters 2 through 7 provide 
contextual and background information. 
Chapter 2 describes the environmental setting. 
Chapter 3 is an overview of the Japanese 
American evacuation. Chapters 4 and 5 give 
details of the Manzanar Relocation Center 
itself. Chapter 6 provides historical information 
concerning the town of Manzanar and earlier 
ranches. Chapter 7 provides archeological and 
ethnographic information. The research objec- 
tives and methods are reviewed in Chapter 8. 

The results are presented by temporal compo- 
nent in Chapters 9 through 14: Chapter 9 
describes sites and features within the National 
Historic Site boundary associated with the 
relocation center; Chapter 10 describes sites 
associated with the relocation center outside 
the National Historic Site; Chapters 11 and 12 
describes sites related to the town of Manzanar 
and earlier ranches; and Chapters 13 and 14 
discuss Native American Indian sites. Conclu- 
sions and recommendations are given in 
Chapter 15. The results of specialist studies are 
included as appendices. Archeological site 
records are on file at the Western Archeologi- 
cal and Conservation Center and the California 
Historic Resources Information System (U.C. 
Riverside) . 

Terminology 

The War Relocation Authority used euphe- 
misms such as "relocation center" and "evacu- 
ees." The relocation centers certainly fit the 
dictionary definition of a concentration camp 
and use of that term does have historical 
precedent (Uyeda 1995:57). However, the term 
"concentration camp" has become almost 
synonymous with Nazi Death Camps and even 
the use of the relatively benign term "intern- 
ees" in reference to Japanese Americans has 
resulted in controversy (e.g., Baker 1994:23-24). 
This report to a great extent uses the terminol- 
ogy originally coined by the War Relocation 
Authority because those terms are most com- 
mon in the historic records. 







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Figure 1.3. Land ownership in the vicinity of Manzanar National Historic Site. 



Chapter 1 



Environmental Setting 

Jeffery F. Burton, Mary M. Farrell, and Patti J. Novak 




Manzanar National Historic Site is lo- 
cated in east-central California, in 
southern Owens Valley. It lies along 
U.S. Highway 395, 16 miles north of Owens 
Lake, between the towns of Lone Pine and 
Independence. On the western edge of the Basin 
and Range province, the topography of the area 
is dramatic, with the steep Sierra Nevada to the 
west and the White-Inyo Range to the east. 
Mount Williamson, the second highest peak in 
the Sierra Nevada at 14,375 ft, is just west of the 
National Historic Site (Figure 2.1). 

Similar Mesozoic rocks in both the Sierra 
Nevada and the White-Inyo Range indicate they 
were part of a single broad upwarp for much of 
the Tertiary period (Gillespie 1991:357). Uplift of 
the modern Sierra Nevada began about 10 
million years ago (Whitney 1979:48) and geolo- 
gists estimate the range attained its present height 
early in the Pleistocene (Gillespie 1991:361). The 
uplift continued as the Basin and Range province 
formed. The White-Inyo Range is also estimated 
to have been prominent by about 2 million years 
ago. The elevation range, from 3,600 ft at Owens 
Lake to over 14,000 ft in both the Sierra Nevada 
and White-Inyo Range, is due not only to 
mountain uplift, but down-faulting as well. 

Measuring 120 miles long from Glass Mountain 
Ridge to Owens Lake, and 15 to 40 miles wide 



from crest to crest, the Owens Valley is a 
northwest-southeast trending structural trough 
that has dropped down as a deep narrow graben 
along faults that separate it from the Sierra 
Nevada and White-Inyo Range. This block drop 
is covered by sediments up to 9,000 ft deep, 
overlying bedrock that is far below sea level 
(Sharp 1972:141). Remnants of the Triassic to 
Jurassic metavolcanic rocks that overlay the 
Mesozoic granitic plutons can be found in the 
White-Inyo Range and in the Alabama Hills to 
the south. 

Down faulting has continued to very recent 
times, including one of the largest earthquakes in 
California history. On March 26, 1872, the 
Owens Valley Earthquake with a derived 
magnitude of 8 on the Richter scale, destroyed 
adobe buildings at Lone Pine and Independence 
and killed 27 people. Displacement along the 
fault was up to 23 ft vertical and 9 ft horizontal. 
One mile east of the National Historic Site the 
Owens Valley Fault shows 3 ft to 6 ft of vertical 
displacement. 

In Owens Valley the Cenozoic has also been 
marked by volcanic activity, with many erup- 
tions occurring along faults. There have been at 
least four separate episodes, all probably within 
the last 200,000 years (Sharp 1972:144). Volcanic 
cinder cones and basalt flows are to the north at 




Figure 2.1. Mount Williamson. 



Red Mountain and Crater Mountain, and 
obsidian occurs nearby at Fish Springs. Tool- 
making quality obsidian is also available south of 
the Owens Valley in the Coso Mountains. 

The ice ages of the Pleistocene have also influ- 
enced the landforms of the Owens Valley. Major 
fan building episodes apparently correlate with 
glacial advances (Beanland and Clark 1994:6); 
alluvial fans along the Sierra Nevada extend over 
halfway across the valley and rise 1,000 ft to 
2,500 ft above the valley floor. The fans con- 
verge to form a continuous apron or bajada with 
an average slope of 6 to 7 degrees. 

The bajada is rocky with large boulders depos- 
ited by catastrophic mud flows, and soils are 
derived from sheet erosion of the debris. The 
entrenchment of creeks is a Holocene develop- 
ment (Knopf and Kirk 1918), and now the bajada 
is deeply dissected by perennial streams fed by 
snowmelt. 

Some younger fans are forming, but generally 
deposition of new fans is at a standstill due to 
the relatively arid conditions (Pakiser et al. 1964). 
The Owens River, which drains an area of 3,300 
square miles, lies close to the Inyo Mountains, 
and was moved eastward by the large fans built 
by streams flowing out of the Sierra Nevada 
(Sharp 1972:143). The Inyo Mountains support 



only small intermittent streams, and smaller fans 
and colluvial slopes occur along the Inyo 
Mountains and Alabama Hills. 

The National Historic Site at 3840 ft (1170 m) to 
3970 ft (1210 m) elevation, is located where the 
Sierran bajada meets the valley floor. Soils, 
consisting of sands, gravels, and cobbles, are 
derived from Holocene and Pleistocene fan 
deposits, colluvium, and lake sediments. 

At its height, pluvial Lake Owens was over 200 
ft deep and covered an area of approximately 220 
square miles. Lake deposits at its center have 
been determined to be over 750 ft thick (Pakiser 
et al. 1964). From 75,000 years ago to 10,000 
years ago the lake overflowed to the south 
supplying a chain of lakes that culminated in a 
lake 600 ft deep and 100 miles long in Death 
Valley (Figure 2.2). 

Wave-cut shorelines and beach terraces mark 
former lake levels. Seven of these strandhnes 
have been identified and provisionally dated. The 
highest strandline, dated at over 25,000 years old, 
is at an elevation of 3880 ft, which would place 
the shoreline within the National Historic Site. 
The next strandline, around 25,000 years old, is 
at 3800 ft, the approximate contour of the Los 
Angeles Aqueduct. Between 12,000 and 10,000 
years ago, the Great Basin underwent rapid 



climatic changes, as alpine glaciers retreated and 
lakes shrank (Mehringer 1986). The 3760 ft 
shoreline, 10,000 years old, marks the point at 
which overflow from the lake ceased. A possible 
overflow and strandlines at elevations of 3720 ft, 
3680 ft, 3630 ft, and 3597 ft mark minor 
Holocene glacial advances (Beanland and Clark 
1994:6). 

In 1874, when the construction of the first large 
irrigation canals was begun, Owens Lake was 51 
ft deep. By 1895 the lake was lowering at a rate 
of 30 inches a year due to agricultural diversions. 
In 1926 the L.A. Aqueduct was complete, and 
over 75,000 acres were under irrigation in the 
valley. As a result, by 1929 the lake was essen- 
tially dry (Babb 1992). 

Today's climate is arid, with hot dry summers 
and cold winters. Although well-watered by 
Sierran streams, Owens Valley itself is in the 
rainshadow formed by the Sierra Nevada. 
Independence has a mean annual precipitation of 
just under 5 inches and Lone Pine approximately 
6 inches. There are occasional summer thunder- 
storms, but the highest precipitation occurs 
between December and February as a result of 
Pacific storms. On the valley floor 
approximately 20 percent of precipita- 
tion falls as snow (Power and Klieforth 
1991:21). 



Temperatures range from over 100° F in 
the summer to less than 0° F in the 
winter, and the growing season averages 
197 days (Basgall and McGuire 1988:8). 
Prevailing winds are from the north and 
south reflecting the topographic influ- 
ence of the valley. The strongest winds 
are in late winter, spring, and fall and 
are associated with storm fronts. Peak 
gusts have been clocked up to 75 mph, 
however the valley is more known for 
its constancy of moderate wind (Power 
and Klieforth 1991). Dust from the bed 
of Owens Lake, the largest single source 
of dust in North America, occasionally 



obscures the surrounding mountains (Gill and 
Cahill 1992). 

Manzanar National Historic Site is located 
between two perennial streams which flow east 
from the Sierra Nevada: Shepherd Creek less 
than 1 mile north and George Creek VA miles 
south (Figure 2.3). Both streams are diverted into 
the L.A. Aqueduct just east of the National 
Historic Site. The stream flow of Bairs Creek, 
which crosses the southwest corner of the 
National Historic Site, is intermittent in the site 
vicinity. 

Historical accounts mention a flowing well in 
the north-central part of the Historic Site at the 
old Shepherd Ranch (Manzanar file, Eastern 
California Museum), and the Manzanar Free 
Press (November 28, 1942) mentions a pond in 
the same area that was dug where a spring was 
buried during construction of the relocation 
center. 

Once there may have been several springs in the 
National Historic Site vicinity. Surface water 
from melting snowfields percolates through the 
coarse sediments of the bajada. This groundwater 




10 

i 



25 miles 

_l 



Scale 



"i V V\ Li,,le L 9 ke 

1* ? 




Figure 2.2. Pluvial lakes (from Sharp 1972:57) 




Figure 2.3. Shepherd Creek. 



can surface as springs and seeps under several 
conditions. For example, springs are common in 
the Owens Valley where the slope of the surface 
topography becomes abruptly more gradual, as is 
the case at Manzanar. These small, variable flow 
springs and seeps, are susceptible to lowering of 
the watertable, caused by stream diversions and 
groundwater pumping. In the Owens Valley six 
major springs and an untold number of smaller 
springs no longer flow (DeDecker 1992; Scheid- 
linger 1992). 

The National Historic Site is within a Los 
Angeles Department of Water and Power well 
field. When spring snowmelt produces more 
water than the aqueduct can carry, the high 
flows are spread across the bajada to recharge the 
aquifer. This flooding, in fact, affects the 
National Historic Site: in some areas tons of 
sediments are deposited, while gullies cut 
through other areas. When stream flows are 
lower, the groundwater is pumped to supplement 
the surface runoff to the aqueduct. Prior to 
construction of the second Los Angeles Aque- 



duct in 1970, this pumping was limited to 
drought years, but now it occurs seasonally 
(Groeneveld 1992). 

Vegetation and Fauna 

The great vertical relief of the Owens Valley 
and adjacent ranges supports diverse flora and 
fauna within a few miles of the National 
Historic Site. From the Sierra Nevada crest on 
the west to the Inyo Mountains on the east are 
several distinct plant communities, in general 
determined by elevation and the concomitant 
precipitation and temperature gradients. 

The plant communities are described by Storer 
and Usinger (1963) and Whitney (1979) for the 
Sierra Nevada and Spira (1991) for the Inyo 
Mountains. Above 11,000 ft in the Sierra 
Nevada is Alpine Tundra. Between 9,000 and 
11,000 ft is the Subalpine Forest, a sparsely 
forested zone of whitebark and foxtail pine and 
mountain hemlock. The Upper Montane Zone, 
between 8,000 and 9,000 ft includes mixed red 
fir and lodgepole pine. The Lower Montane 
Zone, of mixed white fir and Jeffrey pine, 
occurs between 7,000 and 8,000 ft. Pinyon and 
juniper occur between 5,000 and 7,000 ft, while 
on the valley floor and lower foothills is 
Desert Scrub. In the Inyo Mountains the 
Pinyon-Juniper Woodland occurs between 
6,500 and 9,500 ft, the Subalpine Zone (an 
open forest of limber pine and bristlecone pine) 
occurs at 9,500 to 11,500 ft, and Alpine Tundra 
lies above 11,500 ft. Significant stands of black 
oak occur in the valley along creeks north of 
Independence. 

Manzanar National Historic Site lies within the 
desert scrub community. Plant species within 
this vegetation community vary according to 
elevation and soil substrate: at lower elevations 
greasewood and shadscale dominate, but at 
higher elevations these give way to spiny hop- 
sage and Mormon tea, and then sagebrush and 
bitterbrush (Table 2.1). Within the National 
Historic Site the vegetation most certainly bears 
little resemblance to that prior to Euroamerican 




Figure 2.4. Aerial view of Manzanar National Historic Site showing 
band of trees through site, Shepherd Creek and cultivated fields in the 
foreground, and the Alabama Hills to the south. 



settlement. Over 100 years of ranching, agricul 
ture, and groundwater pumping have spurred 
opportunistic native plants and introduced 
species (DeDecker 1988). The National Historic 
Site vicinity has been used for cattle grazing and 
as a sheep driveway since the mid-1800s, result- 
ing in a decrease in livestock-preferred herbs and 
shrubs and an increase in sagebrush, rabbitbrush, 
and other species (Whitney 1979:481); in fact the 
most significant change in vegetation in Owens 
Valley from 1906 to 1981, as determined from 
aerial photographs, is the loss of grass Qaques 
1992). The dominant species today consist of 
introduced trees, rabbitbrush, saltbush, and 
weeds. 

Over 18 species of non-native trees have been 
identified within the National Historic Site and 
extensive fields of rabbitbrush and dry barren 
areas are common. The trees, mostly black 
locust, cottonwood, tamarisk, and fruit trees 
from abandoned ranches, farms, and the reloca- 
tion center, form a band across the site. Located 
just below the break in slope, these introduced 
species have likely survived by tapping into the 
high watertable (Figure 2.4). 

Above the Los Angeles Aqueduct some water 



from George Creek is diverted to irrigate 
meadows for grazing and wells supply water to 
irrigated fields north of Shepherd Creek. To the 
west of the National Historic Site on the rockier 
Sierran bajada, sagebrush and bitterbrush 
dominate a diverse assemblage of shrubs, 
wildflowers, and cactus. There are narrow 
riparian zones along Shepherd and George 
Creeks, and the upper portion of Bairs Creek, 
where willows, water birch, and some cotton- 
woods grow. Larger riparian zones occur along 
the Owens River and along lower, slow-moving 
reaches of its Sierran tributaries. 

Major fauna present in the vicinity today include 
mule deer {Odocoileus hemionus), black bear 
{Ursus amencanus) , mountain lion (Felis concolor) , 
coyote (Canis latrans), and pronghorn antelope 
(Antilocapra americand). There is a bighorn sheep 
(Ovis canadensis) Zoological Area 5 miles to the 
west of the National Historic Site that includes 
the entire front of the Sierra Nevada. 



Other common animals are black-tailed jackrab- 
bit (Lepus califormcus) , various cottontails 
{Sylvilagus spp.), woodrats {Neotoma sp.), bobcat 
{Felis rufus), kit fox {Vulpes macrotes), skunks 
{Mephitis spp.), raccoon {Procyon lotor), ground 



squirrels (Citellus spp.), quail (Lophortyx calif or- 
nicus) and other game birds and waterfowl. A 
freshwater mussel (Anodonta sp.) occurs in slow- 
moving portions of the Owens River. 

In the last century, some species have been 
reduced and others introduced. Grizzly bear (U. 
horribilis) may have been present in prehistoric 
times. Brine fly, an economically important 
aboriginal food, once was plentiful on Owens 
Lake but is now rare. Tule elk (Cervus elaphus 



nannodes), native to central California, were 
introduced into Owens Valley in the 1930s. Most 
fish in the area today are introduced species; 
natives include dace (Rhynichthys spp.), Owens 
pupfish (Cypnnodon radwsus), sucker (Catostomus 
fumeiventris) , and Tui chub (Siphateles bicolor). 
Cut-throat trout (Salmo clarkii) may have been 
present in some isolated areas but the trout that 
dominate all of the nearby streams today were 
introduced from the west slope of the Sierra 
Nevada and elsewhere. 



Table 2.1 
Vegetation Identified During Survey of Manzanar National Historic Site and Environs. 



Trees 

Apple (Pyrus malus)* 

Arizona Cypress (Cupressus arizonica)* 

Black Walnut (Juglans nigra)''' 

Black Locust {Robinia pseudoacacia)* 

Common Fig {Ficus carica)* 

Elm (Ulmus spp.)* 

Fremont Cottonwood {Populus fremontii)* 

Garden Plum (Prunus domestica)* 

Mulberry {Morus sp.)* 

Northern Catalpa (Catalpa speciosa)'' 

Peach {Prunus persica)* 

Pear {Pyrus communis)''' 

Poplar {Populus spp.)* 

Saltcedar, Five-stamen Tamarisk {Tamarix chinensis)'' 

Siberian Elm {Ulmus pumila)* 

Silver Maple {Acer saccharinum)* 

Tree of Heaven {Ailanthus altissima)* 

Velvet Ash {Fraxinus velutina)* 

Willow {Salix spp.) 

Shrubs 

Allscale Saltbush {A triplex polycarpa) 

Bitterbrush {Purshia tridentata) 

Brittlebush {Encelia farinosa) 

Desert Peach {Prunus andersonii) 

Domestic Grape {Vitis sp.)* 

Four-wing Saltbush {A triplex canescens) 

Golden Rabbitbrush {Chrysothamnus nauseosus) 

Great Basin Sagebrush {Artemisia tridentata) 

Nevada Ephedra, Mormon Tea {Ephedra nevadensis) 

Shadscale {A triplex confertifolia) 

Silver Lupine {Lupinus albifrons) 

Spiny Hopsage {Grayia spinosa) 

Sticky Rabbitbrush {Chrysothamnus paniculatus) 

Wild Rose {Rosa woodsii) 

Winter Fat {Ceratoides lanata) 

Parasitic Plants and Fungi 

Nevada Dodder {Cusuta salina) 
Stalked Puffball {Tulostoma poculatum) 



Cactus 

Barrel Cactus (Ferocactus acanthodes) 

Beavertail {Opuntia basilaris) 

Teddy Bear Cholla {Opuntia bigelovii) 

Forbs 

Blazing Star {Mentzelia nitens) 

Blue Flax {Linum lewisii) 

Buckwheat {Eriogonum spp.) 

Common Lambsquarters {Chenopodium album)* 

Common Cocklebur {Xanthium strumarium) 

Desert Dandelion {Malacothrix glabrata) 

Desert Trumpet {Eriogonum inflatum) 

Desert Wooly {Erwphyllum wallacei) 

Douglas Pincushion {Chdenactis douglasii) 

Evening Primrose {Oenothera brevipes) 

Fiddleneck {Amsinckia tessellata) 

Gilia {Gilia latiflora) 

Heron Bill, Filaree {Erodium texanum)* 

Hoary Cress {Cardaria draba)* 

Mojave Aster {Xylorhiza tortifolia) 

Red Indian Paintbrush {Castilleja sp.) 

Russian Thistle {Salsola kali)* 

Sacred Datura {Datura meteloides) 

Sand Blossom {Linanthus parryae) 

Scale Bud {Anisocoma acaulis) 

Skeleton Weed {Eriogonum deflexum) 

Tansy Mustard {Descurainia pinnata) 

Western Ragweed {Ambrosia psilostachya) 

White Forget-me-not, Cryptantha {Cryptantha nevadensis) 

White Tidy-tips {Layia glandulosa) 

Wild Heliotrope {Phacelia distans) 

Wild Licorice {Glycyrrhiza lepidota) 

Yerba Mansa {Anemopsis califomica) 

Grasses 

Bamboo {Phyllostachys bambusoides)* 
Common Reed {Phragmites australis) 
Foxtail Barley {Hordeum jubatum) 
Giant Wild Rye {Leymus cinereus) 
Indian Ricegrass {Oryzopsis hymenoides) 



non-native 



10 



Chapter 3 



Japanese American Relocation 

Irene J. Cohen 1 , Jeffery F. Burton, and Mary M. Farrell 




On December 7, 1941, the United States 
entered World War II as Japan attacked 
the U.S. naval base at Pearl Harbor. At 
that time, nearly 113,000 people of Japanese 
ancestry, two-thirds of them American citizens, 
were living in California, Washington, and 
Oregon (Figure 3.1). On February 19, 1942, 
President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive 
Order No. 9066 empowering the U.S. Army to 
designate areas from which "any or all persons 
may be excluded." No person of Japanese 
ancestry living in the United States was ever 
convicted of any serious act of espionage or 
sabotage during the war. Yet these innocent 
people were removed from their homes and 
placed in relocation centers, many for the 
duration of the war (Davis 1982:27). In contrast, 
between 1942 and 1944, 18 Caucasians were tried 
for spying for Japan; at least ten were convicted 
in court (Uyeda 1995:66). 

To understand why the United States govern- 
ment decided to remove Japanese Americans 
from the West Coast in the largest single forced 
relocation in U.S. history, one must consider 
many factors. Prejudice, wartime hysteria, and 
politics all contributed to this decision 
(Hirabayashi and Hirabayashi 1984). 



West Coast Anti-Oriental Prejudice 

Anti-Oriental prejudices, especially in Califor- 
nia, began as anti-Chinese feelings. Chinese 
immigration began around about the same time 
as the gold rush of 1849. At first, they were 
welcomed and considered exotic in cosmopoli- 
tan San Francisco. However, the Chinese were 
resented as a source of cheap labor, especially 
after the completion of the Union-Central 
Pacific Railroad in 1869, which had employed 
around 10,000 Chinese laborers. This economic 
grievance became an ideology of Oriental 
inferiority similar to existing American racial 
prejudices. This discrimination became legis- 
lated on both the state and federal level, includ- 
ing an immigration exclusion bill passed in 
1882 by the U.S. Congress. 

The experiences of Chinese immigrants fore- 
shadowed those of Japanese immigrants, who 
began arriving about the same time the Chinese 
exclusion bill was passed. Japanese immigrants 
were called Issei, from the combination of the 
Japanese words for "one" and "generation;" their 
children, the American-born second generation, 
are Nisei, and the third generation are Sansei. 
Nisei and Sansei who were educated in Japan are 
called Kibei. The Issei mostly came from the 
Japanese countryside, and they generally arrived, 



portions of this chapter originally appeared in Cohen 1994. 



11 



JAPANESE POPULATION 
WESTERN DEFENSE COMMAND AREA! 1940 




? K 





l*"a / t* \ > ■*)■"*•' r \. '...,^a ^ "-a 




:w 






V .JrSflW'-v ■••.•• • • • 
^liSsT^rrV'' it •• .1 




, 'Tk-v — [-" 

' H' - L_"- v ; ^^q_ 




/ i 'i^-V — !— i 



snta - -1"ih^ 



— crJ— 1-4 



~,< /LI 






LEGEND 



- c*o- pot nnuiHii 



r- ^ 



Figure 3.1. West Coast Japanese American population, 1940. 



either in Hawaii or the mainland West Coast, 
with very little money. Approximately half 
became farmers, while others went to the coastal 
urban centers and mostly worked in small 
commercial establishments, usually either their 
own or for other Issei. 

Anti-Japanese movements began shortly after 
Japanese immigration began, based on existing 



anti-Oriental prejudices. However, the anti- 
Japanese movement became widespread around 
1905, due both to increasing immigration and the 
first Japanese victories against Russia, when both 
the Issei and Japan began to be perceived as 
threats. Actions included the formation of 
anti-Japanese organizations, such as the Asiatic 
Exclusion League, attempts at school segregation 
(which eventually affected Nisei under the 



12 



doctrine of "separate but equal"), and a growing 
number of violent attacks upon individuals and 
businesses. President Theodore Roosevelt 
attempted to contain the anti-Japanese movement 
by negotiating the so-called "Gentlemen's 
Agreement" with the Japanese government, 
which limited immigration to the continental 
United States to laborers who had already been 
to the United States and "to the parents, wives 
and children of laborers already there." 

California passed the Alien Land Law of 1913, 
prohibiting the ownership of agricultural land by 
"aliens ineligible to citizenship," i.e., Asians, and 
in 1920, a stronger Alien Land Act prohibited 
leasing and sharecropping as well. The presump- 
tion that Asians were aliens ineligible for 
citizenship stemmed from a narrow 
interpretation of the naturalization statute, which 
had been rewritten after the Fourteenth Amend- 
ment to permit naturalization of "white persons" 
and "aliens of African descent." This interpreta- 
tion was legitimized by the Supreme Court in 
1921, when Takao Ozawa was denied citizen- 
ship. However, the Nisei were citizens by birth, 
and therefore parents would often transfer title 
to their children. The Immigration Act of 1924 
prohibited all further Japanese immigration, with 
the side effect of making a very distinct genera- 
tion gap between the Issei and Nisei. 

Many of the anti-Japanese fears arose from 
economic factors combined with envy, since 
many of the Issei farmers had become very 
successful at raising fruits and vegetables in soil 
that most people had considered infertile. Other 
fears were military in nature; the Russo-Japanese 
War proved that the Japanese were a force to be 
reckoned with, and stimulated fears of Asian 
conquest — "the Yellow Peril." These factors, 
plus the perception of "otherness" and "Asian 
inscrutability" that typified Caucasian racist 
views, greatly influenced the events following 
Pearl Harbor. 



Preparing for War with Japan 

While the events at Pearl Harbor came as a 
shock to Americans, many had wondered what 
would happen if Japan attacked the United 
States. The government had already investi- 
gated possible actions to take in case of war 
with Japan, and Japanese Americans speculated 
on what would happen to them, fearing, as 
early as 1937, that they would be "herded into 
prison camps — perhaps we would be slaugh- 
tered on the spot" (Daniels 1989). Some Nisei 
tried to accentuate their loyalty and American- 
ism, leading to generational conflict with their 
Issei parents. The Japanese American Citizens 
League QACL), an influential all-Nisei organi- 
zation, was representative of this attitude. The 
JACL creed, an optimistic, patriotic expression 
written by Mike Masaoka in 1940, was pub- 
lished in the Congressional Record for May 9, 
1941 (Daniels 1989:24-25): 

I am proud that I am an American citizen of 
Japanese ancestry, for my very background makes 
me appreciate more fully the wonderful advantages 
of this nation. I believe in her institutions, ideals 
and traditions; I glory in her heritage; I boast of 
her history; I trust in her future. She has granted 
me liberties and opportunities such as no individual 
enjoys in this world today. She has given me an 
education befitting kings. She has entrusted me 
with the responsibilities of the franchise. She has 
permitted me to build a home, to earn a livelihood, 
to worship, think, speak and act as I please — as a 
free man equal to every other man. 

Although some individuals may discriminate 
against me, I shall never become bitter or lose faith, 
for I know that such persons are not representative 
of the majority of the American people. True, I 
shall do all in my power to discourage such 
practices, but I shall do it in the American way — 
above board, in the open, through courts of law, 
by education, by proving myself to be worthy of 
equal treatment and consideration. I am firm in my 
belief that American sportsmanship and attitude of 
fair play will judge citizenship and patriotism on 
the basis of action and achievement, and not on the 
basis of physical characteristics. Because I believe in 
America, and I trust she believes in me, and 
because I have received innumerable benefits from 
her, I pledge myself to do honor to her at all times 
and all places; to support her constitution; to obey 



13 



her laws; to respect her flag; to defend her against 
all enemies, foreign and domestic; to actively 
assume my duties and obligations as a citizen, 
cheerfully and without any reservations whatso- 
ever, in the hope that I may become a better 
American in a greater America. 

At the same time as the JACL creed was written, 
the United States government was planning for 
World War II. The Alien Registration Act of 
1940 required the registration and fingerprinting 
of all aliens over fourteen years of age. The 
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) compiled a 
list of dangerous or subversive German, Italian, 
and Japanese aliens who were to be arrested or 
interned at the outbreak of war with their 
country. President Franklin Roosevelt received a 
secret report by Curtis Munson on the West 
Coast Japanese, which concluded that most were 
loyal. Moreover, it stated that most of the 
disloyal Japanese Americans hoped that "by 
remaining quiet they [could] avoid concentration 
camps or irresponsible mobs." However, Munson 
also noted that the West Coast was vulnerable to 
sabotage, since dams, bridges, harbors, and power 
stations were unguarded, which he felt was a 
threat because "there are still Japanese in the 
United States who will tie dynamite around their 
waist and make a human bomb out of them- 
selves" (Daniels 1989:28 quoting Munson's 
report). Response to the report by Army Intelli- 
gence, although never sent in the confusion after 
Pearl Harbor, argued that "widespread sabotage 
by Japanese is not expected ... identification of 
dangerous Japanese on the West Coast is reason- 
ably complete" (Daniels 1989:28). 



In the Aftermath of Pearl Harbor 

Beginning immediately after the attack on 
Pearl Harbor, the Justice Department orga- 
nized the arrests of 3,000 of what it considered 
"dangerous" enemy aliens, half of whom were 
Japanese. Of the Japanese, those arrested in- 
cluded community leaders who were involved 
in Japanese organizations and religious groups. 
Evidence of subversive activities was not a 
prerequisite for arrest. At the same time, the 



Treasury Department froze the bank accounts of 
all enemy aliens and all accounts in American 
branches of Japanese banks. These two actions 
paralyzed the Japanese American community by 
depriving it of its leadership and financial assets. 

In late January 1942 many of the Japanese 
arrested by the Justice Department were trans- 
ferred to internment camps in Montana, New 
Mexico, and North Dakota. Generally, their 
families had no idea of their whereabouts until 
they were reunited up to six months later in 
relocation centers. 

After Pearl Harbor, the shock of a sneak attack 
on American soil caused widespread hysteria and 
paranoia. It certainly didn't help matters when 
Frank Knox, Roosevelt's Secretary of the Navy 
blamed Pearl Harbor on "the most effective fifth 
column work that's come out of this war, except 
in Norway," even though he apparently already 
realized that lack of preparedness of the local 
military commanders was the major problem 
(Daniels 1989:35). This scapegoating opened the 
door to sensationalistic newspaper headlines 
about sabotage, fifth column activities, and 
imminent invasion, none of which had any 
factual basis, but which fed the growing suspi- 
cions about Japanese Americans Q.A.C.P. 1973). 
In fact, as far as Japanese attacks on the mainland 
were concerned, the military had already 
concluded that Japanese hit-and-run raids were 
possible, but that a large scale invasion was 
beyond the capacity of the Japanese military. 

"Military Necessity" 

Following the declaration of martial law in 
Hawaii after the attack on Pearl Harbor, all 
civilians were subject to travel, security, and 
curfew restrictions imposed by the military. 
Japanese fishing boats were impounded and 
individuals considered potentially dangerous 
were arrested (Ogawa and Fox 1991). 

While politicians called for the mass incarcera- 
tion of people of Japanese ancestry in Hawaii, 
the military resisted. One-third of the Hawai- 



14 



ian population was of Japanese ancestry and the 
military didn't have enough soldiers to guard 
them or enough ships to send them to the 
mainland (Weglyn 1976:87-88). More impor- 
tantly, their labor was crucial to the civilian and 
military economy of the islands (Daniels 
1993:48). In the end less than 1,500 (out of a 
population of 150,000) were confined and 
eventually removed to the mainland. 

One of the key players in the confusion follow- 
ing Pearl Harbor was Lt. General John L. 
DeWitt, the commander of the Western Defense 
Command and the U.S. 4th Army. DeWitt had 
a history of prejudice against Japanese Ameri- 
cans, even those already in the Army, and he 
was easily swayed by any rumor of sabotage or 
imminent Japanese invasion (Daniels 1989:36), 

DeWitt was convinced that if he could control 
all civilian activity on the West Coast, he could 
prevent another Pearl Harbor-type disaster. 
J. Edgar Hoover of the FBI ridiculed the 
"hysteria and lack of judgment" of DeWitt's 
Military Intelligence Division, citing such 
incidents as the supposed powerline sabotage 
actually caused by cattle. 

Nevertheless, in his Final Report (1943), DeWitt 
cites other reasons for the "military necessity" of 
evacuation, such as supposed signal lights and 
unidentified radio transmissions, none of which 
were ever verified. He also insisted on seizing 
weapons, ammunition, radios, and cameras 
without warrants. He called these "hidden caches 
of contraband," even though most of the 
weapons were seized from two legitimate stores 
(Hersey 1988:22). 

Initially, DeWitt did not embrace the broad-scale 
removal of all Japanese Americans from the West 
Coast. On December 19, DeWitt recommended 
"that action be initiated at the earliest practicable 
date to collect all alien subjects fourteen years of 
age and over, of enemy nations and remove 
them" to the interior of the country and hold 
them "under restraint after removal" (Daniels 



1989:39). However, on December 26, he told 
Provost Marshall Gullion that "I'm very doubt- 
ful that it would be common sense procedure to 
try and intern 117,000 Japanese in this theater ... 
An American citizen, after all, is an American 
citizen. And while they all may not be loyal, I 
think we can weed the disloyal out of the loyal 
and lock them up if necessary" (Daniels 1989:40). 

With encouragement from Karl Bendetson, the 
head of the Provost Marshall's Aliens Division, 
on January 21, DeWitt recommended to Secre- 
tary of War Henry Stimson the establishment of 
small "prohibited zones" around strategic areas 
from which enemy aliens and their native-born 
children would be removed, as well as some 
larger "restricted zones" where they would be 
kept under close surveillance. Stimson and 
Attorney General Francis Biddle agreed, al- 
though Biddle was determined not to do any- 
thing to violate Japanese Americans' constitu- 
tional rights. 

However, on February 9, DeWitt asked for 
much larger prohibited zones in Washington and 
Oregon that included the entire cities of Port- 
land, Seattle, and Tacoma. Biddle refused to go 
along, but President Roosevelt, convinced of the 
military necessity, agreed to bypass the Justice 
Department. Roosevelt gave the army "carte 
blanche" to do what they wanted, with the 
caveat to be as reasonable as possible (Hersey 
1988:42). 

Two days later, DeWitt submitted his final 
recommendations in which he called for the 
removal of all Japanese, native-born as well as 
alien, and "other subversive persons" from the 
entire area lying west of the Sierra Nevada and 
Cascade Mountains (Hersey 1988:43). DeWitt 
justified this broad-scale removal on "military 
necessity" stating "the Japanese race is an enemy 
race" and "the very fact that no sabotage has 
taken place to date is a disturbing and confirm- 
ing indication that such action will be taken" 
(Hersey 1988:44). 



15 



On February 17, Biddle made a last ditch effort 
to convince the President that evacuation was 
unnecessary. In addition, General Mark Clark of 
General Headquarters was convinced that 
evacuation was counteractive to military 
necessity, as it would use far too many soldiers 
who could otherwise be fighting. He argued that 
"we will never have a perfect defense against 
sabotage except at the expense of other equally 
important efforts." Instead, he recommended 
protecting critical installations by using pass and 
permit systems and selective arrests as necessary. 

Meanwhile, the Japanese American community, 
particularly the Nisei, were trying to establish 
their loyalty, by becoming air raid wardens and 
joining the army (when they were allowed to). 
Since so many in the Issei leadership had been 
imprisoned during the initial arrests, the Nisei 
organizations, especially the JACL, gained 
influence in the Japanese American community. 
The JACL's policy of cooperation and appease- 
ment was embraced by some Japanese Ameri- 
cans, but vilified by others. 

At first, there was no consistent treatment of 
Nisei who tried to enlist or who were drafted. 
Most Selective Service boards rejected them, 
classifying them as 4-F or 4-C (unsuitable for 
service because of race or ancestry), but they 
were accepted at others. The War Department 
prohibited further Nisei induction after March 
31, 1942, "Except as may be specifically autho- 
rized in exceptional cases." The exceptions were 
bilingual Nisei and Kibei who served as language 
instructors and interpreters. All registrants of 
Japanese ancestry were officially classified as 4-C 
after September 14, 1942. (U.S.D.I. 1946). 

While the military debated restrictions on 
Japanese Americans and limited their involve- 
ment in the war, public opinion was growing in 
support of interning all persons of Japanese 
ancestry Q.A.C.P. 1973). The message from the 
media was typified by the Los Angeles Times: 
"A viper is nonetheless a viper wherever the egg 
is hatched — so a Japanese American, born of 



Japanese parents — grows up to be a Japanese, 
not an American" (Hersey 1988:38). 

Despite the attempts by Biddle, the JACL, and 
General Mark Clark, on February 19, 1942, 
President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, 
authorizing the Secretary of War "to prescribe 
military areas in such places and of such extent 
as he or the appropriate Military Commander 
may determine, from which any or all persons 
may be excluded, and with respect to which, the 
right of any person to enter, remain in, or leave 
shall be subject to whatever restrictions the 
Secretary of War or the appropriate Military 
Commander may impose in his discretion. The 
Secretary of War is hereby authorized to provide 
for residents of any such area who are excluded 
therefrom, such transportation, food, shelter, and 
other accommodations as may be necessary in 
the judgement of the Secretary of War or said 
Military Commander... ." 

In mid-February Congressional committee 
hearings headed by Californian John Tolan were 
held on the West Coast to assess the need for the 
evacuation of Japanese Americans. The 
overwhelming majority of the witnesses sup- 
ported the removal of all Japanese, alien and 
citizen, from the coast. California Governor 
Culbert L. Olson and State Attorney General 
Earl Warren supported removal of all Japanese 
Americans from coastal areas, stating that it was 
impossible to tell which ones were loyal (Drin- 
non 1987:31-32). As de facto spokesmen for the 
Japanese community, JACL leaders argued 
against mass evacuation, but to prove their 
loyalty pledged their readiness to cooperate if it 
were deemed a military necessity. 

Other events in California contributed to the 
tense atmosphere. On February 23 a Japanese 
submarine shelled the California Coast. It caused 
no serious damage but raised fears of further 
enemy action along the U.S. coast. The follow- 
ing night the "Battle of Los Angeles" took place. 
In response to an unidentified radar echo, the 
military called for a blackout and fired over 



16 



1,400 anti-aircraft shells. Twenty Japa- 
nese Americans were arrested for suppos- 
edly signaling the invaders, but the radar 
echo turned out to be a loose weather 
balloon (Davis 1982:43; Webber 1992). 

Even prior to the signing of Executive 
Order 9066, the U.S. Navy had begun 
the removal of Japanese Americans from 
near the Port of Los Angeles: on Febru- 
ary 14, 1942, the Navy announced that 
all persons of Japanese ancestry had to 
leave Terminal Island by March 14. On 
February 24 the deadline was moved up 
to February 27 (Daniels 1989:86). Practi- 
cally all family heads (mostly fisherman) 
had already been apprehended by the 
FBI (Weglyn 1976:301) and the 500 
families living there were allowed to 
move on their own anywhere they 
wanted. Most stayed in the Los Angeles 
area until they were again relocated by 
the U.S. Army. 




Figure 3.2. Newspaper headline, February 27, 
(Dorothea Lange photograph, National Archives). 



1942 



Evacuation 

Even after Executive Order 9066, no one was 
quite sure what was going to happen (Figure 
3.2). Who would be "excluded," where would 
the "military areas" be, and where would 
people go after they had been "excluded"? 

DeWitt originally wanted to remove all 
Japanese, German, and Italian aliens. However, 
public opinion (with a few vocal dissenters) 
was in favor of relocating all Japanese 
Americans, but opposed to any mass 
evacuation of German or Italian aliens, much 
less second generation Germans or Italians. 
Provost Marshall Gullion, who had always 
supported relocation of Japanese Americans, 
had only figured on males over the age of 
fourteen — about 46,000 from the West Coast 
and 40,000 from Hawaii. 

As the military negotiated possibilities, the 
Japanese American community continued to 



worry. Most followed the lead of the JACL and 
chose to cooperate with evacuation as a way to 
prove their loyalty. Others were opposed to 
evacuation and later sought ways to prevent it, 
some with court cases that eventually reached the 
Supreme Court. 

DeWitt issued several Public Proclamations, but 
these did little to clear up confusion; in fact, 
they created more. On March 2, Public Procla- 
mation No. 1 divided Washington, Oregon, 
California, and Arizona into two military areas, 
numbered 1 and 2 (Figure 3.3). Military Area 
No. 1 was sub-divided into a "prohibited zone" 
along the coast and an adjacent "restricted zone." 
Ninety-eight smaller areas were also labeled 
prohibited, presumably strategic military sites. 
The announcement was aimed at "Japanese, 
German or Italian" aliens and "any person of 
Japanese ancestry," but it did not specifically 
order anyone to leave. However, an accompany- 
ing press release predicted that all people of 
Japanese ancestry would eventually be excluded 
from Military Area No. 1, but probably not 
from Military Area No. 2. 



17 



On March 11 the Army -con- 
trolled Wartime Civilian Control 
Administration (WCCA) was 
established to organize and carry 
out the evacuation of Military 
Area No. 1. Public Proclamation 
No. 2, on March 16, designated 
four more military areas in the 
states of Idaho, Montana, 
Nevada, and Utah, and 933 more 
prohibited areas. While DeWitt 
pictured eventually removing all 
Japanese Americans from these 
areas, these plans never 
materialized. 



Public Law No. 503, approved 

on March 21, 1942, made 

violating restrictions in a 

military area a misdemeanor, 

liable up to $5,000 and/or a year 

in jail. Public Proclamation 

No. 3, effective March 27, 

instituted an 8:00 pm to 6:00 am 

curfew in Military Area No. 1 

and prohibited areas for all 

enemy aliens and "persons of 

Japanese ancestry" and required 

that "at all other times all such 

persons shall only be at their place of residence 

or employment or travelling between those 

places or within a distance of not more than five 

miles from their place of residence." 

The attempt at a voluntary evacuation was a 
miserable failure. Only 9,199 persons voluntarily 
moved out of Military Area No. 1: of these, 
4,310 moved into the California portion of 
Military Area No. 2, 1,963 moved to Colorado, 
1,519 moved to Utah, 305 moved to Idaho, 208 
moved to eastern Washington, 115 moved to 
eastern Oregon, 105 moved to northern Arizona, 
83 moved to Wyoming, 72 moved to Illinois, 69 
moved to Nebraska, and 366 moved to other 
states (Figure 3.4; DeWitt 1943:107-111). The 
government had not made any plans to help 
people move, and since most Issei assets had been 




Figure 3.3. Military Areas of the Western Defense Command. 



frozen at the beginning of the war, most families 
lacked the resources to move. Those who did 
attempt to leave the West Coast discovered that 
the inland states were unwilling to accept them. 
The perception inland was that California was 
dumping its "undesirables," and many refugees 
were turned back at state borders, had difficulty 
buying gasoline, or were greeted with "No Japs 
Wanted" signs {LA. Examiner 3/24/42, 4/2/42, 
4/21/42, 4/23/42). 

Effective March 29, Public Proclamation No. 4 
forbade all Japanese from leaving Military Area 
No. 1 until ordered. Further instructions 
established reception centers as transitory 
evacuation facilities and forbade moves except to 
an approved location outside Military Area 
No. 1. 



18 



The first evacuation under the auspices of the 
Army began March 24 on Bainbridge Island near 
Seattle, and was repeated all along the West 
Coast. In all, 108 "Civilian Exclusion Orders" 
were issued, each was designed to include around 
1,000 people (Figure 3.5). After initial notifica- 
tion, residents were given six days in which to 
dispose of nearly all their possessions, packing 
only "that which can be carried by the family or 
the individual" including bedding, toilet articles, 
clothing and eating utensils. The government was 
willing to store or ship some possessions "at the 
sole risk of the owner," but many did not trust 
that option. Most families sold their property 
and possessions for ridiculously small sums, 
while others trusted friends and neighbors to 
look after their properties. 

By June 2, 1942, all Japanese in Military Area 
No. 1, except for a few left behind in hospitals 
(Time 39[22]:117), were in army custody. The 
image of the Japanese Americans is that they 
passively accepted evacuation. There is a Japanese 
philosophy "shikataganai" — it can't be helped. 
So, indeed the vast majority of the Japanese 
Americans were resigned to following the orders 
that sent them into the assembly centers. Only 
a few cases of resistance to the evacuation 
occurred. Three weeks after he was supposed to 
evacuate, Kuji Kurokawa was found, too weak to 
move due to malnutrition, hiding in the 
basement of the home where he had been 
employed for 10 years. He decided that he would 
not register or be evacuated, "I am an American 
citizen," he explained (J.A.C.P. 1973:18). Fred 
Korematsu changed his name, altered his facial 
features, and went into hiding. He was later 
arrested for remaining in a restricted area (Davis 
1982:118). Hideo Murata, a U.S. Army World 
War I veteran, killed himself at a local hotel 
rather than be evacuated (Davis 1982:57). 

The only known act of sabotage by a Japanese 
American was a product of the relocation 
process. When told to leave his home and go to 
an assembly center, one farmer asked for an 
extension to harvest his strawberry crop. His 



request was denied, so he plowed under the 
strawberry field. He was then arrested for 
sabotage, on the grounds that strawberries were 
a necessary commodity for the war effort 
(Hersey 1988:5). No one was allowed to delay 
evacuation in order to harvest their crops and 
subsequently Californians were faced with 
shortages of fruits and vegetables. Japanese 
Americans grew 95 percent of the state's straw- 
berries and one-third of the state's truck crops 
(J.A.C.P. 1973:20-21). 

Even though the justification for the evacuation 
was to thwart espionage and sabotage, newborn 
babies, young children, the elderly, the infirm, 
children from orphanages, and even children 
adopted by Caucasian parents were not exempt 
from removal. Anyone with l/16th or more 
Japanese blood was included. In all, over 17,000 
children under 10 years^old, 2,000 persons over 
65 years old, and 1,000 handicapped or infirm 
persons were evacuated (Uyeda 1995:32). 

Assembly Centers 

After reporting to collection points near their 
homes, each group was moved to hastily 
contrived reception or assembly centers (Table 
3.1). Two centers on vacant land, at Parker 
Dam and in the Owens Valley, were originally 
intended for use as "Reception Centers" to 
expedite the voluntary evacuation. Both would 
later become WRA-run Relocation Centers as 
well (Poston and Manzanar). 

The Parker Dam Reception Center was on the 
Colorado River Indian Reservation in Arizona. 
Permission from the Department of Interior 
was contingent on the center being a "positive 
program ... not merely ... a concentration 
camp" (Daniels 1989:88). The Owens Valley 
Reception Center was on land leased from the 
City of Los Angeles. The Owens Valley was 
(and still is) a major source of water for Los 
Angeles. City officials were worried that the 
evacuees would poison the water supply, but 
were assured that they would be kept under 
heavy guard (Daniels 1989:88). 



19 




20 



Table 3.1. 
WCCA Assembly Centers (Tajiri 1990:107, 116; Thomas 1952:84). 





Date of 


Peak 


Date of last 




Center 


first arrival 


population 


departure 


Primary Destination 


Fresno, California 


5-6-42 


5,120 


10-30-42 


Jerome, Gila River 


Owens Valley, California 


3-21-42 


9,666 


5-31-42 


same* 


Marysville, California 


5*8-42 


2,451 


6-29-42 


Tule Lake 


Mayer, Arizona 


5-7-42 


245 


6-2-42 


Poston 


Merced, California 


5-6-42 


4,508 


9-15-42 


Granada 


Parker Dam, Arizona 


5-8-42 


11,738 


5-31-42 


same* 


Pinedale, California 


5-7-42 


4,792 


7-23-42 


Tule Lake, Poston 


Pomona, California 


5-7-42 


5,434 


8-24-42 


Heart Mtn. 


Portland, Oregon 


5-2-42 


3,676 


9-10-42 


Heart Mtn., Poston 


Puyallup, Washington 


4-28-42 


7,390 


9-12-42 


Tule Lake, Minidoka 


Sacramento, California 


5-6-42 


4,739 


6-26-42 


Tule Lake 


Salinas, California 


4-27-42 


3,594 


7-4-42 


Poston 


Santa Anita, California 


3-27-42 


18,719 


10-27-42 


Poston, six others 


Stockton, California 


5-10-42 


4,271 


10-17-42 


Rohwer, Gila River 


Tanforan, California 


4-28-42 


7,816 


10-13-42 


Central Utah 


Tulare, California 


4-20-42 


4,978 


9-4-42 


Gila River 


Turlock, California 


4-30-42 


3,662 


8-12-42 


Gila River 



administration transferred to WRA 



Generally, the first to arrive at the reception 
centers were volunteers, mainly JACL leaders 
and their families. Since the Owens Valley and 
Parker Dam centers could only hold a small 
fraction of the West Coast Japanese and little 
time was available for additional large-scale 
construction, existing facilities were converted 
into temporary assembly centers. 

Eleven of the assembly centers were at racetracks 
or fairgrounds. Others were at the Pacific 



International Livestock Exposition Facilities 
(Portland, Oregon), a former mill site (Pinedale, 
California), migrant workers camps (Marysville 
and Sacramento, California), and an abandoned 
Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp 
(Mayer, Arizona) (Thomas 1952:84). 

Two additional assembly centers were partially 
readied. Toppenish, in eastern Washington, 
ultimately was not used because of unsuitable 
sanitation facilities, and because there was 



21 



Headquarters 

Western Defense Command 

and Fourth Army 

Presidio of San Francisco, California 
April 30, 1942 

Civilian Exclusion Order No. 27 

1. Pursuant to the provisions of Public Proclamations Nos. 1 and 2, this 
Headquarters, dated March 2, 1942, and March 16, 1942, respectively, it is 
hereby ordered that from and after 12 o'clock noon, P.W.T., of Thursday, May 
7, 1942, all persons of Japanese ancestry, both alien and non-alien, be excluded 
from that portion of Military Area No. 1 described as follows: 

All of that portion of the County of Alameda, State of California, within 
that boundary beginning at the point at which the southerly limits of the 
City of Berkeley meet San Francisco Bay; thence easterly and following 
the southerly limits of said city to College Avenue; thence southerly on 
College Avenue to Broadway; thence southerly on Broadway to the south- 
erly limits of the City of Oakland; thence following the limits of said city 
westerly and northerly, and following the shoreline of San Francisco Bay 
to the point of beginning. 

2. A responsible member of each family, and each individual living alone, 
in the above described area will report between the hours of 8:00 A. M. and 
5:00 P. M., Friday, May 1, 1942, or during the same hours on Saturday, May 
2, 1942, to the Civil Control Station located at: 

530 Eighteenth Street 
Oakland, California. 

3. Any person subject to this order who fails to comply with any of its 
provisions or with the provisions of published instructions pertaining hereto 
or who is found in the above area after 12 o'clock noon, P.W.T., of Thursday, 
May 7, 1942, will be liable to the criminal penalties provided by Public Law 
No. 503, 77th Congress, approved March 21, 1942 entitled "An Act to Provide 
a Penalty for Violation of Restrictions or Orders with Respect to Persons 
Entering, Remaining in, Leaving, or Committing any Act in Military Areas 
or Zones," and alien Japanese will be subject to immediate apprehension and in- 
ternment. 

4. All persons within the bounds of an established Assembly Center pur- 
suant to instructions from this Headquarters are excepted from the provisions 
of this order while those persons are in such Assembly Center. 

J. L. DeWitt 

Lieutenant General, U. S. Army 

Commanding 

'Reproduction of Cirilim Exclusion Order No. 27. Eich Order prepared in botk potter end ptmpkiet nu. 



Figure 3.5a. Civilian Exclusion Order No. 27 (for Oakland, California), these were prepared by the 
U.S. Army in both poster and pamphlet size. 



22 



PROHIBITED AREA 

EXCLUSION ORDER NO. 27 

Western Defense Command and Fourth Army 




C. E. Order 17 

This Map is prepared for the convenience of the public; see the 
Civilian Exclusion Order for the full and correct description. 



Figure 3.5b. Map included with Civilian Exclusion Order No. 27; if someone did not yet know where 
sensitive military facilities were, this map of Oakland included with the exclusion order pointed them 
out. 



23 



enough room in the California assembly centers 
for the evacuees. A refurbished CCC camp at 
Cave Creek, Arizona, was not needed due to 
considerable voluntary migration from the 
southern part of the state (DeWitt 1943:152). 

Living conditions at the assembly centers were 
chaotic and squalid. Existing buildings were used, 
and supplemented with temporary" "Theater of 
Operations"-type army barracks, 20 ft by 100 ft 
buildings divided into five rooms. These barracks 
were originally designed for temporary use by 
combat soldiers, not families with small children 
or elderly people (U.S.D.I. 1946). 

At the racetracks, stables had been hastily 
cleaned out before their use as living quarters, 
but the stench remained. Still, the converted 
stables were described as "somewhat better 
shelter than the newly constructed mass-fabri- 
cated houses" (McWilliams 1942:361). At the 
Santa Anita Assembly Center 8,500 of the total 
population of over 18,000 lived in stables. At the 
Portland Assembly Center over 3,000 evacuees 
were housed under one roof in a livestock 
pavilion that was subdivided into apartments 
(DeWitt 1943:183). 

The atmosphere in the assembly centers was 
tense (Figure 3.6). Many were demoralized, 
convinced that America would never accept 
them as full-fledged Americans. Some Nisei who 
had been very patriotic became very bitter and 
sometimes pro-Japanese. Many tried to do 
everything possible to make living conditions 
better, organizing newsletters and dances and 
planting victory gardens. Jobs were available in 
the assembly centers, but the decision was made 
that no evacuees should be paid more than an 
Army private (which was then $21 per month) 
to combat charges of coddling. Initially, unskilled 
laborers were paid $8 per month, skilled laborers 
$12, and professionals, $16. These were later 
raised to $12, $16, and $19, respectively. 

Evacuees worked as cooks, mechanics, teachers, 
doctors, clerks, and police. At the Santa Anita 



and Manzanar assembly centers, camouflage net 
factories, managed by a private company under 
military contract, were set up. Only citizens 
could be employed on this war-related work. 

Privacy at the assembly centers was next to non- 
existent, with communal lavatories and mess 
halls and thin walls in the barracks. Families 
were crowded into small apartments, usually 
20 ft by 20 ft. The evacuees fixed up their new 
homes as best they could with salvaged lumber 
and other supplies that they could find, in an 
attempt to make them more liveable. 

Shortages of food and other material and 
deplorable sanitation were common at many of 
the centers (Weglyn 1976:80-82). The 800 Nisei 
working at the net factory at Santa Anita 
conducted a sit-down strike complaining about, 
among other things (such as low pay and unfair 
production quotas), weakness due to lack of food 
(Weglyn 1976:81). 

Opportunities for leaving the assembly centers 
were available. California educators made an 




Figure 3.6. Guard tower at Tanforan Assembly 
Center (WCCA photograph from DeWitt 
1943:Figure 23). 



24 



effort to send college-age Nisei to school. Few 
colleges were willing to accept them, but around 
4,300 students were eventually released from the 
assembly centers to attend school. The war had 
created a massive labor shortage, so the WCCA 
agreed to allow seasonal agricultural leave for 
those they deemed loyal. Over 1,000 evacuees 
were granted temporary leave to harvest cotton, 
potatoes, and sugar beets. 

The evacuees for the most part took their 
hardships in stride. However, the effects of 
overcrowding and stress became apparent at the 
Santa Anita Assembly Center on August 4, 1942. 
On that day a routine search for contraband 
(including Japanese language books and 
phonograph records), and an unannounced 
confiscation of hot plates turned violent. Rumors 
and complaints spread as crowds gathered. The 
internal police and suspected informers were 
harassed and one suspected informer was severely 
beaten. In the end 200 military police had to be 
called in to silence the 2,000 protesters (Davis 
1967:79). That night the residents were confined 
to their barracks and no meals were served. The 
military patrolled inside the center for three days 
(Lehman 1970). 



However, after meeting with the governors and 
other officials from ten western states on April 
7, Eisenhower realized that anti-Japanese racism 
was not confined to California. No governor 
wanted any Japanese in their state, and if any 
came, they wanted them kept under guard. The 
common feeling was expressed by one of the 
governors: "If these people are dangerous on the 
Pacific coast they will be dangerous here!" 
(Daniels 1993:57). But, their chief concern was 
that the Japanese would settle in their states and 
never leave, especially once the war was over. 
However, at a meeting with local sugar beet 
growers on the same day, a different view 
prevailed. Desperate for labor, S.J. Boyer of the 
Utah Farm Bureau said that farmers "don't love 
the Japanese, but we intend to work them, if 
possible" (Daniels 1989:94). 

Eisenhower was forced to accept the idea of 
keeping both the Issei and Nisei in camps for the 
duration of the war. The idea of interning 
innocent people bothered him so much, 
however, that he resigned in June 1942. He 
recommended his successor, Dillon S. Myer, but 
advised Myer to take the position only "if you 
can do the job and sleep at night" (Myer 1971:3). 



Setting up the Relocation Centers 

To reduce the diversion of soldiers from 
combat, a civilian organization, the War 
Relocation Authority (WRA), had been created 
on March 19, 1942. Once the military made 
the decision to relocate Japanese Americans en 
masse from Military Areas No. 1 and 2, this 
civilian agency was left to figure out how to 
implement this policy. Milton S. Eisenhower, 
then an official of the Department of 
Agriculture, was chosen to head the WRA. 
Eisenhower initially hoped that many of the 
evacuees, especially citizens, could be resettled 
quickly. He expected that evacuees could be 
either directly released from the assembly 
centers and sent back to civilian life away from 
the military areas, or sent to small unguarded 
subsistence farms. 



Relocation Centers 

The relocation centers were located in isolated 
areas, most in deserts or swamps, perhaps 
unwittingly following newspaper columnist 
Henry McLemore's vitriol, "Herd 'em up, pack 
'em off and give them the inside room of the 
badlands. Let 'em be pinched, hurt, hungry and 
dead up against it" (McLemore 1942). 

The assembly centers at Manzanar and Poston 
were redesignated relocation centers and eight 
new sites in seven states were selected (Figure 
3.7; Table 3.2). Over 300 possible sites were 
reviewed; primary consideration was given to 
locations with railroad access and agricultural 
potential (Madden 1969:23-25). Site selection was 
made by the WRA, but site acquisition was left 
to the War Department. The Relocation Centers 



25 




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t3 


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26 



Table 3.2. 
WRA Relocation Centers (Daniels 1993:131; Thomas 1952:88). 







Date of 


Peak 


Date of peak 


Date of last 


Center 




first arrival 


population 


population 


departure 


Gila River 




7-20-42 


13,348 


12-30-42 


11-10-45 


Granada 




8-27-42 


7,318 


2-1-43 


10-15-45 


Heart Mountain 




8-12-42 


10,767 


1-1-43 


11-10-45 


Jerome 




10-6-42 


8,497 


2-11-43 


6-30-44 


Manzanar 




3-21-42 


10,046 


9-22-42 


11-21-45 


Minidoka 




8-10-42 


9,397 


3-1-43 


10-28-45 


Poston (Colorado 


River) 


5-8-42 


17,814 


9-2-42 


11-28-45 


Rohwer 




9-18-42 


8,475 


3-11-43 


11-30-45 


Topaz (Central Ui 


;ah) 


9-11-42 


8,130 


3-17-43 


10-31-45 


Tule Lake 




5-27-42 


18,789 


12-25-44 


3-20-46 



were primarily on unused or underutilized 
federal lands. With the exception of the 
California Relocation Centers, all were in 
sparsely populated areas, making them some of 
the largest "communities" in their respective 
states. 

The Tule Lake Relocation Center in California, 
the Minidoka Relocation Center in Idaho, and 
the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in 
Wyoming were located on undeveloped federal 
reclamation projects. The Jerome and Rohwer 
Relocation Centers in Arkansas were partially on 
land meant for subsistence homesteads under the 
Farm Security Administration; the balance of the 
site at Rohwer was bought from local farmers. 

The Colorado River (Poston) and Gila River 
Relocation Centers in Arizona were both on 
Indian Reservations. Both Tribal Councils 
opposed the use of their land on the grounds 
that they did not want to participate in inflicting 
the same type of injustice as they had suffered, 
but they were overruled by the Army and 



Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). In fact, Eisen- 
hower in a verbal agreement, had turned over 
administration of the Colorado River Relocation 
Center to the BIA. The WRA resumed control 
of the center when Myer became director. 

The Central Utah Relocation Center (Topaz) 
had been part public domain, part county 
owned, and part privately owned. The Granada 
Relocation Center in Colorado had been 
privately owned and was purchased by the Army 
for the WRA (Daniels 1989; U.S.D.I. 1946). The 
Manzanar Relocation Center was located on 
unused land held by the City of Los Angeles for 
its water rights. 

Evacuees at assembly centers which had only pit 
latrines or which presented a fire hazard were 
the first priority for transfer to the relocation 
centers (DeWitt 1943:280). In theory, evacuees 
would be sent to the relocation center with the 
climate most similar to their home, and each 
relocation center would have a balance of urban 
and rural settlers. Evacuees were transferred from 



27 



the assembly centers to the relocation centers by 
trains; this mass movement was carefully 
choreographed to avoid interrupting major troop 
movements. 

The transfer process lasted from early June to 
October 30 (see Table 3.2). Following the 
transfer of evacuees and supplies to the 
relocation centers all but two of the assembly 
and reception centers were turned over to 
various Army agencies or the U.S. Forest Service 
(Table 3.3). 

Concurrently with the transfers from the 
assembly centers, the military decided to remove 
all Japanese Americans from the remainder of 
California. The eastern portion of California had 
been designated Military Area No. 2, and was 
not supposed to be as sensitive as Military Area 
No. 1, where all Japanese had already been 
removed from their homes to assembly centers. 
But, within the California portion of Military 
Area No. 2 there remained two particularly 
dense concentrations of Japanese Americans 
immediately adjacent to Military Area No. 1, 
vital military installations, and important forests 
(Figure 3.8; DeWitt 1943:360). Over 9,000 people 
were directly moved from this area to the Tule 
Lake, Poston, and Gila River relocation centers 
between July 4 and August 11. This included 
many who had voluntarily moved out of 
Military Area No. 1 prior to Public 
Proclamation No. 1. Alaskan Japanese who were 
not picked up by the Department of Justice after 
the attack on Pearl Harbor were airlifted to 
Washington and then moved to Minidoka. Of 
the 151 people of Japanese ancestry removed 
from Alaska, about 50 were seal- and whale- 
hunting half-Eskimo or half-Aleut (Weglyn 
1976:57). 



Relocation Center Layout 
and Building Design 

General plans for the construction of the 
relocation centers were developed prior to the 
establishment of the WRA. Initial facilities 



Table 3.3. 
Disposition of Assembly Centers (from 
DeWitt 1943:184). 





Transfer 




Center 


Date 


New Using Agency 


Fresno 


11/9/42 


4th Air Force Training Command 


Marysville 


6/16/42 


VII Army Corps 


Mayer 


6/27/42 


Forest Service 


Merced 


9/30/42 


4th Air Service Area Command 


Pinedale 


8/6/42 


4th Air Force 


Pomona 


9/4/42 


Ordnance Motor Transport 


Portland 


9/30/42 


Portland Port of Embarkation 


Sacramento 


7/30/42 


Signal Corps 


Puyallup 


9/30/42 


9th Service Command 


Salinas 


7/24/42. 


VII Army Corps 


Santa Anita 11/30/42 


Ordnance 


Stockton 


10/30/42 


4th Air Service Area Command 


Tan fo ran 


10/27/42 


Northern Calif. Sector, WDC 


Tulare 


9/15/42 


VII Army Corps 


Turlock 


8/24/42 


9th Service Command 



were constructed by the War Department, which 
also procured the initial equipment (Table 3.4). 
Per capita construction costs ranged from $376 at 
Manzanar to $584 at Minidoka. The total 
construction cost, for all centers, was over $56 
million. 

The relocation centers were designed to be 
self-contained communities, complete with 
hospitals, post offices, schools, warehouses, 
offices, factories, and residential areas, all sur- 
rounded by barbed wire and guard towers. Since 
the centers were supposed to be as self-sufficient 
as possible, the residential core was surrounded 
by a large buffer zone that also served as 
farmland. As at the assembly centers, the 
Military Police (MPs) had a separate living area 
adjacent to the relocation center, to reduce 
fraternization. The civilian employees also had 
living quarters available at the camp, but these 
were usually supplemented by whatever housing 
was available in the nearby towns. 

The layout of the relocation centers varied, but 
certain elements were fairly constant. The 
perimeter was defined by guard towers and 
barbed wire fences. There was generally a main 



28 



Table 3.4. Quartermaster Property Shipped 
to Relocation Centers (DeWitt 1943: 276). 



Item 


Amount 


Axes 


2,635 


Blankets 


275,141 


Boats, Gravy 


19,915 


Bowls, Sugar 


21,002 


Bowls, Soup 


123,583 


Buckets 


9,478 


Cans, 32 gallon 


5,555 


Cans, 10 gallon 


4,159 


Cleavers 


604 


Cots, Steel 


117,393 


Cups, Coffee- 


122,797 


Dippers 


5,166 


Dishes, Vegetable 


39,195 


Dishes, Pickle 


10,125 


Forks 


117,620 


Forks, Meat 


2,434 


Graters 


1,224 


Griddles 


1,240 


Knives, Paring 


3,518 


Knives 


121,114 


Knives, Butcher 


1,805 


Ladles, Soup 


3,518 


Machines, Grinder 


659 


Mashers, Potato 


1,207 


Mattresses Covers 


118,626 


Measures, Quart 


1,207 


Openers, Can 


1,179 


Pans, Dish 


5,228 


Pans, Cake or Pie 


18,116 


Pans, Baking, Large 


2,894 


Pans, Frying 


618 


Picks, Ice 


590 


Pins, Rolling 


592 


Pitcher, Syrup 


19,390 


Pitchers, Water 


19,774 


Plates, Dinner 


125,627 


Platters, Meat 


10,149 


Pots, Mustard 


19,879 


Pots, 15 gallon 


1,340 


Pots, 10 gallon 


1,292 


Pots, 20 gallon 


466 


Ranges, Army No. 5 


1,236 


Saucers, Coffee 


123,345 


Saws, Butcher 


625 


Scrapers, Dough 


586 


Shakers, Salt 


20,444 


Shakers, Pepper 


17,600 


Sieves, Flour 


594 


Skimmers 


1,521 


Spoons 


117,821 


Spoons, Basting 


1,348 


Steels, Butcher 


560 


Tongs, Ice 


639 


Turners, Cake 


2,507 


Whips, Wire 


1,213 



entrance leading to the local highway, and 
auxiliary routes to farming areas outside the 
central core. Some of the major interior roads 
were paved, but most were simply dirt roads that 
were dusty or muddy depending on the weather. 

The layout of the two Arizona relocation centers 
differed from the others. Located on dead end 
roads, rather than along a major highway, there 
were no watch towers and little or no barbed 
wire. The Poston Relocation Center consisted of 
three separate camps at five mile intervals 
(Poston I, II, and III) and the Gila River 
Relocation Center consisted of two separate 
camps (Butte Camp and Canal Camp). 

Plans were based on a grid system of blocks. 
Block size varied in the non-residential areas such 
as the administrative area, warehouses, and 
hospital. The remainder of the central cores were 
made up of residential blocks separated by empty 
fire breaks. Each residential block consisted of 
ten to fourteen barracks, a mess hall, latrines for 
men and women, a laundry, and a recreation 
hall. Eventually, large sewage systems were built; 
sometimes these modern facilities (necessary 
because of the population density of the centers) 
aroused the ire and envy of the local rural 
residents, who relied on septic systems or 
outhouses. 

The design of buildings for the relocation centers 
presented a problem since no precedents for this 
type of housing existed. Permanent buildings 
were not desired. The military had available 
plans for semi-permanent "Cantonment"-type 
buildings and temporary "Theater of Oper- 
ations"-type buildings. A set of standards and 
details were developed by the Army, modifying 
the "theater of operations"-type buildings to 
make them suitable for housing women, children 
and elderly people while still meeting the 
requirements of quick construction, low cost, 
and restricted use of critical materials. 

These standards and details of construction were 
put in place by the WCCA on June 8, 1942, and 



29 



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CACM DOT • CMCSCMTJ 
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"igure 3.8. West Coast Japanese American population, June 1942 (fromDeWitt 1943:Figure 36). 



provided for uniform construction after that 
date. However, Manzanar, Tule Lake, Poston, 
and Gila River were already under construction. 
Construction also varied because different local 
Engineer Divisions interpreted the rather vneue 
standards differently, and these local offices were 
responsible for developing or contracting out the 
plans and specifications for each center. 



Local craftsmen were used, but the requirements 
were not very stringent; in Millard County, 
Utah, near the Topaz Relocation Center, the 
term "Topaz Carpenter" is still a derogatory 
term, since anyone who showed up at the site 
with a hammer would be hired. Supplies were 
also difficult to come by in such large quantities 
during wartime. In addition, some suppliers were 
reluctant to use valuable resources for "Japs," 



30 




Figure 3.9. Rohwer Relocation Center under construction (WRA photograph 
from Kunitsugu 1990:14). 



making construction somewhat makeshift at 
times (Figure 3.9). 

The five room 20 ft by 100 ft plan of the 
assembly centers barracks were supplanted by 
20 ft by 120 ft barracks plans with six variably- 
sized rooms. The barracks thus built followed 
standard plans, with different sized apartments to 
accommodate different sized families and groups 
of single people, with two apartments at each of 
the following sizes: 16 ft by 20 ft, 20 ft by 20 ft, 
and 24 ft by 20 ft. Partitions between the 
apartments extended only to the eaves, leaving a 
gap between the walls and the roof. Each 
apartment had a heating unit, either coal, wood, 
oil, or natural gas. Furnishings included a single 
drop light, army cots, blankets, and mattresses. 

The exterior walls and roofs of the barracks were 
generally of boards covered with tarpaper on 
frames of dimension lumber. In the colder 
climates wallboard was provided for insulation. 
The raised floors were wood, which quickly 
shrank and allowed dust and dirt to fly all over 
the barracks. Eventually, "Mastipave" flooring 
was provided for use at the Tule Lake, Manza- 
nar, Gila River, and Poston Relocation Centers 
to insulate the drafty floors. The window 



configurations varied, but were typically either 
sliding square windows or double hung, with 
divided lights. The gabled ends of the buildings 
had rectangular vents — a standard Army 
construction detail. 

Other than size, barracks construction varied 
only at the Granada and Gila River centers. At 
Granada the barracks had weatherized wallboard 
exterior walls and brick floors. The barracks at 
Gila River had double roofs for insulation and 
white wallboard exterior sheathing. Clearly the 
Gila River Relocation Center, visited by Eleanor 
Roosevelt in April 1943, was a showplace (Figure 
3.10; Inoshita 1995). 

Most other buildings were variations on the same 
theme. Recreation halls and community 
buildings were basically the same as barracks, but 
20 ft by 100 ft and without interior partitions. 
Mess halls were 40 ft by 100 ft, with a kitchen, 
store room, and scullery. 

Block latrine and laundry facilities at the earlier 
constructed relocation centers differed little from 
that of the assembly centers. At Manzanar, 
Poston, Gila River, and Tule Lake there were 
three separate buildings in each residential block 



31 




Figure 3.10. Eleanor Roosevelt visiting the Gila 
River Relocation Center (WRA photograph, 
National Archives). 

for the men's bathroom, women's bathroom, and 
laundry. These army-type facilities had no toilet 
partitions or bathtubs and very little hot water. 
A separate ironing room was added as an 
afterthought after numerous power outages. At 
Tule Lake later-constructed blocks had a 
combined laundry and ironing room and a 
combined men's and women's bathroom. 

Block latrine and laundry facilities at the 
relocation centers built after the WCCA 
standards were established consisted of a large 
centralized H-shaped structure. One side of the 
building contained the block laundry, the other 
side contained the men's and women's bath- 
rooms. The crossbar of the H contained the hot 
water heater. In addition to the standard toilets, 
sinks, and communal showers provided in the 
earlier constructed facilities, the women's 
bathroom was equipped with toilet stalls and 
four bathtubs. 

Administration buildings were similar to internee 



barracks, but with white clapboard exteriors 
rather than tarpaper. Staff housing, also with 
clapboard exteriors, was divided into self-con- 
tained one, two, or three bedroom apartments 
each with its own kitchen and bathroom. 

Community buildings such as schools and 
churches were left to be constructed by the 
internees, with the intention of initially using 
unused barracks. In general, schools at first used 
entire blocks of barracks. The block recreation 
halls, originally intended for use by that block, 
were usually converted to other general commu- 
nity purposes, such as churches or cooperative 
stores. 

Buildings that were later designed or built by the 
internees were often far more individualistic, and 
often built of more permanent materials. For in- 
stance, school buildings at Poston were built of 
adobe brick made by the internees. These later 
buildings were usually set at angles to the 
uniformly gridded camp. 

Agricultural enterprises at all of the centers 
provided much of each center's food, with 
surpluses sent to the other relocation centers. 
However, over 40 percent of the U.S. rice 
production went to the relocation centers (Smith 
1995:185). Most of the centers also had hog and 
chicken farms, and beef or dairy cows were 
raised at Gila, Granada, Topaz, and Manzanar 
(Table 3.5). 

The relocation centers were subject to the same 
rationing as the rest of the country. Victory 
Gardens supplemented the rations and evacuee 
crews recycled fats, metal, and other material 
considered vital to the war effort. 

The WRA intended to have industries 
supporting the war effort at the relocation 
centers, but these plans were thwarted by 
industries and unions who feared unfair 
competition. The only venture that enjoyed even 
a modest degree of success was the short-lived 
manufacture of camouflage nets at three of the 



32 



Table 3.5. 
Relocation Center Agricultural Enterprises, June 1944 (W.R.A. 1944). 





Field A 


creage 


Number of 


Number of 


Number of 


Number of 




Vegetables 


Field Crops 


Hogs 


Chickens 


Egg Hens 


Cattle 


Gila River 




1400 


1106 


3332 


5252 


1377 


Granada 


505 


2185 


1017 


4712 


2210 


456 


Heart Mtn 


427 


573 


873 


1437 


8918 


30 


Jerome 


123 


- 


701 








Manzanar 


242 


126 


469 


3869 


4669 


87 


Minidoka 


312 


425 


611 


3249 


3627 




Rohwer 


202 


375 


411 


1150 






Poston 


1462 


819 


565 


4275 


5285 




Topaz 


242 


990 


887 


62 


1285 


377 


Tule Lake 


305 


856 


532 









centers (Figure 3.11; Smith 1995:176). The 
Manzanar net factory, supervised by the Corp of 
Engineers, was closed following a December 1942 
riot. Privately run net factories at the Poston and 
Gila River relocation centers were discontinued 
in May 1943 after the completion of their 
original contracts. 

Other war-related industries at the relocation 
centers included a ship model factory at Gila that 
produced models for use in training Navy pilots 
and a poster shop at Granada. Other planned 
industrial projects were put on hold, due to 



outside pressures and to encourage relocation out 
of the centers. 

Industry for internal use included garment 
factories at Manzanar, Heart Mountain, and 
Minidoka, a cabinet shop at Tule Lake, sawmills 
at Jerome and Heart Mountain, and a mattress 
factory at Manzanar. In addition, factories for 
the processing of agricultural products were 
common at all of the centers. For instance, 
Manzanar made all the soy sauce it used (Smith 
1995:244). 




Figure 3.11. Camouflage net factory at the Gila River Relocation Center (WRA 
photograph, National Archives). 



33 



Life in the Relocation Centers 

The physical surroundings, while not having as 
profound an impact as political and 
philosophical issues, had a great effect on 
everyday life. When the internees arrived at the 
camps, they found identical blocks of identical 
flimsy barracks. They quickly found ways to 
improve and personalize their new lodgings, 
first to make them habitable, and later to make 
them into homes. The physical changes the 
internees made in their environment were 
important ways of taking control over their 
own lives. The changes also helped personalize 
the identical barracks, to relieve the monotony. 

Physical elements could also be reminders of 
their lack of freedom. The guard towers and 
especially the barbed wire fences delineated the 
difference between inside and outside the 
camps, freedom and confinement. Even a WRA 
report admits this: "... the contrast between the 
barbed wire and the confinement within 
Manzanar and the observable freedom and 
motion for those immediately outside, is 
galling to a good many residents" (W.R.A. 
1943). 

The weather was another element that greatly 
affected the evacuees' lives. Both contemporary 
and later accounts stress dust, mud and ex- 
tremes in temperature that came as great 
shocks to West Coast residents used to much 
more temperate climates. The dust, caused by 
the massive disturbance of the soil from 
construction of hundreds of buildings at once, 
eventually settled, but the weather stayed the 
same. 

Originally, block leaders were appointed by 
the relocation center director. But, the WRA 
decided that the evacuees should participate in 
governing their own communities as much as 
possible. WRA policy called for a community 
council with one elected representative from 
each block, an executive committee, and a 
judicial committee. Issei were not eligible to 
hold an elective office. Manzanar was the only 



center that never elected a council. Instead it 
relied on elected block leaders who served as an 
advisory group for the center director (Myer 
1971:39-40; Smith 1995:253). 

Some conflicts were caused by relocation, while 
others were merely brought to the surface. Many 
Japanese Americans had supported the United 
States and were loyal and patriotic until their 
government decided that they were 
untrustworthy and guilty until proven innocent. 
Their feelings of betrayal sometimes caused 
formerly loyal citizens to renounce their 
citizenship, in extreme cases, or merely to 
sympathize with the Japanese government. It was 
probably most difficult for the Issei, who often 
still had feelings of loyalty to Japan, even though 
they also felt American. Other Japanese 
Americans continued to feel loyal to their 
country, even though they had lost their homes 
and freedom. Their major goal was to find ways 
to prove their loyalty to the outside world. 

Inter-generational tension was also a major 
problem in the relocation centers, especially since 
Issei and Nisei were very distinct generations. 
There was a large shift in the balance of power 
from the Issei to the Nisei, for many reasons. 
The majority of the Issei leadership had been 
arrested after Pearl Harbor, and the Nisei gained 
power and influence, both within families and in 
general. Once the relocation centers were set up, 
many of the Issei were released to join their 
families in the centers. However, use of the 
Japanese language was very restricted: all 
meetings had to be conducted in English, and all 
newsletters and other publications were in 
English. Since many Issei did not speak English, 
or were not very fluent, this was a further 
handicap. The Issei also often lost more in the 
arrests and relocation, since they usually had 
established farms or businesses. The Nisei usually 
had less to lose, and some saw the entire 
experience as an adventure or merely a 
temporary setback. 

Resistance within the relocation centers took 



34 



many forms. Ethnic churches, Japanese language 
schools, and unofficial unions flourished, 
channeling resistance away from open rebellion. 
More overt resistance came in the form of strikes 
and protest demonstrations. How far these went 
depended on whether an acceptable compromise 
could be reached (Okihiro 1974). 

In November 1942 Heart Mountain was beset by 
protests over the erection of a barbed wire fence 
and watchtowers around the relocation center. A 
petition signed by over half of the adults in the 
center stated that the fence was an "insult to any 
free human being." The fence stayed, but the 
protests continued (Daniels 1989:115). 

That same month Poston came close to open 
revolt. When two suspected informers were 
beaten, administration officials arrested two 
Kibei men. Crowds demanded they be freed, 
workers went on strike, and the police station 
was picketed. Demonstrators flew flags that from 
a distance resembled the Japanese flag (Figure 
3.12). However, the protest ended peacefully as 
the Issei leaders of the protest saw things getting 
quickly out of hand and a compromise 
settlement was reached. 

The most serious disturbance erupted at 
Manzanar in December 1942, following months 
of tension and gang activity between Japanese 
American Citizens League (JACL) supporters of 
the administration and a large group of Kibei. 
On December 6, a JACL leader was beaten by 
six masked men. Harry Uneo, the leader of the 
Kitchen Workers Union, was arrested for the 
beating and removed from the center. Soon 
afterward, 3,000 to 4,000 evacuees held a 
meeting, marched to the administration area, and 
selected a committee of five to negotiate with the 
administration. In exchange for a promise of no 
more demonstrations, the center director agreed 
to bring Uneo back to the relocation center jail. 

However, when Uneo was returned a crowd 
formed again. Fearing the worst, the director 
called in the military police, who then used tear 




Block 35 



Figure 3.12. Examples of flags flown by 
center residents during the Poston strike 
(from Hirabayashi and Hirabayashi 
1989:71). 



gas to break up the crowd. When a truck was 
pushed toward the jail, the military police fired 
into the crowd, killing one and wounding at 
least ten others (one of whom later died). 

A group of 65 "outspoken patriots" (Myer 
1971:64) who supported the Manzanar 
administration were on a reported death list, 
including the JACL leader who had been beaten. 
For their protection, these evacuees were 
removed to an abandoned CCC Camp in Death 
Valley. Sixteen alleged troublemakers, including 
Uneo, were removed to local jails and then to 
another abandoned CCC Camp at Moab, Utah. 
This so-called "Isolation Center" was later moved 



35 



to an Indian boarding school at Luepp, Arizona, 
in April 1943. 

Others from Manzanar and other relocation 
centers were also sent to the Isolation Center, for 
"crimes" as minor as calling a Caucasian nurse an 
old maid (Drinnon 1987:104). No formal charges 
had to be made, transfer was purely at the 
discretion of the relocation center director (Myer 
1971:65). At Luepp, the military police 
outnumbered the inmates 3 to 1 . 

The Minidoka Center was continually plagued 
by strikes and protests. The internees organized 
a labor council, termed the Fair Play Committee, 
to represent them. The main objection was the 
low wage scale and the difference in wages 
between the evacuees and the Caucasian staff. A 
strike by evacuee coal workers was broken by 
employing other evacuees from the center who 
volunteered, and a strike by hospital workers 
was broken by sending the strike leaders to 
Luepp. Similar conflicts later arose with block 
maintenance staff, mail carriers, gatekeepers, 
telephone operators, warehouse workers, and 
other groups. A never-finished gymnasium stood 
as a reminder of administration-evacuee conflict. 
The construction crew walked out over a dispute 
about work hours and no volunteers could be 
found to replace them (Sakoda 1989:263). 

Even with suspected troublemakers shipped out 
at a moment's notice, a crisis could erupt at 
anytime, as at the Topaz Relocation Center. On 
Sunday, April 11, 1943, 63-year-old James 
Hatsuaki Wakasa was fatally shot just before 
sunset by military police. Either distracted or 
unable to hear or understand the sentry's 
warnings, he was near the perimeter fence about 
300 feet from the watchtower, when he was shot 
in the chest. The sentry, a disabled veteran of 
Pacific combat, indicated that Wakasa was trying 
to crawl through the fence and that he warned 
him four times before firing a warning shot 
(guards had fired warning shots on eight previous 
occasions). 



The relocation center residents were shocked and 
outraged by the killing and a general alert was 
called by the military in case of trouble. 
However, relative calm prevailed as both the 
administration and the Topaz Japanese American 
leadership wanted to avoid a confrontation. After 
a brief work stoppage, compromises on the 
funeral location (near, but not at, the spot of 
death) and limits placed on military police were 
reached. The military were subsequently 
restricted in their use of weapons, no MPs would 
be allowed inside the center, and Pacific veterans 
would be withdrawn and no more would be 
assigned. Nevertheless, a little more than a 
month later, a sentry fired at a couple strolling 
too close to the fence (Taylor 1993:141). 



Indefinite Leave Clearance 

One of the goals of the War Relocation 
Authority was to determine which evacuees 
were actually loyal to the United States, and 
then to find places for them to work and settle 
away from the West Coast, outside of the 
relocation centers. At first, each case had to be 
investigated individually, which often took 
months, since each person had to find a job 
and a place to live, while convincing the 
government that they were not a threat. 
Eventually, to streamline the process, every 
adult internee was given a questionnaire 
entitled "Application for Indefinite Leave 
Clearance" whether or not they were 
attempting to leave. Unfortunately, these 
questionnaires had originally been intended for 
determining loyalty of possible draftees, and 
were not modified for the general population, 
which included women and Japanese citizens. 
The controversial questions were Numbers 27 
and 28: 

No. 27: Are you willing to serve in the armed 
forces of the United States on combat duty, 
wherever ordered? 

No. 28: Will you swear unqualified allegiance to 
the United States of America and faithfully defend 
the United States from any and all attack by 
foreign or domestic forces, and foreswear any form 



36 



of allegiance or obedience to the Japanese Emperor, 
or any other foreign government, power, or 
organization? 

The first question was a bit strange for women 
and the elderly, but otherwise relatively 
straightforward. However, the ambiguity of the 
loyalty question was especially inappropriate. 
For Issei, who were not allowed to become 
American citizens, saying yes effectively left 
them without a country. On the other hand, 
some of those who already felt loyal to the 
United States considered it to be a trick question. 
No one was sure what the consequences would 
be, but each family debated how to answer these 
questions. 

Many of the relocation center directors saw the 
dilemma in the loyalty questionnaire and got 
permission from the Washington Office to 
change the wording. At Manzanar the wording 
was changed to "Are you sympathetic to the 
United States and do you agree faithfully to 
defend the United States from any attack by 
foreign or domestic forces?" With this change 
many Issei at Manzanar answered "yes" (Smith 
1995:292-293). 

However, even with the changed wording 
controversy remained. While some of the "no-no 
boys" were truly more loyal to Japan than to the 
United States, in many cases people 
compromised to keep families together. Others 
answered "no" as a way of protesting the 
injustice of the entire relocation rather than 
suggesting loyalty to Japan. Some did not want 
to imply that they wanted to apply for leave, 
since now that they were settled in the 
relocation centers, they considered them to be a 
safe haven and did not want to be forced out 
into the unknown. The questionnaire and 
segregation was one of the most divisive events 
of the entire relocation. 

Those who answered "yes" to the loyalty 
questionnaire were eligible to leave the relocation 
centers, if they found a sponsor. One of the 
largest single sponsors, Seabrook Farms, was also 



one of the largest producers of frozen vegetables 
in the country. The company, experiencing a 
labor shortage due to the war, had a history of 
hiring minorities and setting them up in ethnic 
villages. About 2,500 evacuees went to Seabrook 
Farms' New Jersey plant. They worked 12-hour 
days, at 35<t to 50<t an hour, with 1 day off every 
2 weeks. They lived in concrete block buildings, 
not much better than the relocation center 
barracks, and had to provide for their own food 
and cooking (Seabrook 1995). 

Through the indefinite leave process, the overall 
population of the relocation centers was reduced. 
On June 30, 1944, the Jerome Relocation Center 
was converted into a POW camp for Germans, 
after the 5,000 residents remaining were 
transferred to other centers. This closure not 
only saved administration costs, but also was 
used to show that the relocation program was 
working. Over 18,000 evacuees moved out of the 
relocation centers in 1944. By the war's end over 
50,000 Japanese Americans had relocated to the 
eastern U.S. (Table 3.6). 



Canada, Latin America, 
and the Caribbean 

The mass evacuation of Japanese Americans 
from the West Coast was only part of the 
removals undertaken throughout much of the 
Western Hemisphere. At the outbreak of 
World War II there were some 600,000 ethnic 
Japanese living in the Americas (Daniels 
1991:132). 

Canada, already at war with Germany and 
Italy, declared war on Japan within hours of 
the attacks on Pearl Harbor and British Hong 
Kong. Of the 23,000 people of Japanese 
ancestry in Canada, 75 percent were Canadian 
citizens. In the beginning, only Japanese aliens 
were arrested, but over 1,200 Japanese- 
Canadian fishing vessels, all owned by citizens, 
were impounded and later sold to finance the 
relocation (Daniels 1989:182-184; Newsweek 
2/5/42). 



37 



Table 3.6. 
Relocation Center Statistics (Tajiri 1990:117). 



From 




To 




WCCA Assembly Centers 


90,491 


West Coast 


54,127 


Direct Evacuation 


17,915 


Other U.S. Areas 


52,798 


Births 


5,981 


Japan 


4,724 


Department of Justice Camps 


1,735 


Department of Justice Camps 


3,121 


Seasonal Workers (WCCA) 


1,579 


U.S. Military 


2,355 


Institutions 


1,275 


Deaths 


1,862 


Hawaii 


1,118 


Institutions 


1,322 


Voluntary Residents 


219 


Unauthorized Departures* 


4 


Total 


120,313 


Total 


120,313 



* Smith (1995:419) characterizes these four people who left the centers without permission as three persons with a history 
of mental problems who disappeared and one person under suspicion of murder who likely fled. 



By January 14, 1942, all Japanese alien males 
over 16 years of age had been removed from 
Pacific coast areas. When British Columbia 
politicians learned of the U.S. decision to 
evacuate all people of Japanese ancestry, 
including U.S. citizens, from the West Coast 
they demanded Canada do the same (Hirabayashi 
1991). 

A total evacuation was ordered on February 24. 
However, exceptions were made for those 
married to non-Asians (Daniels 1989:185). On 
March 16, eight days before the first evacuation 
of Japanese Americans by the U.S. Army, the 
removal of all Japanese-Canadians in British 
Columbia began. Over 21,000 were sent through 
the Hastings Park clearing station, the Canadian 
equivalent of an assembly center. From Hastings 
Park, half of the Japanese-Canadians were sent to 
Interior Housing Centers at six abandoned 
mining towns. The remaining were relocated to 
sugar beet farms, lumber camps, road 
construction camps, and other work camps in 



interior Canada. Even after the war, the 
Japanese-Canadians were not allowed to return 
to British Columbia until April 1949. 
In Mexico people of Japanese ancestry along the 
Pacific Coast and the U.S. border were required 
by the Mexican government to liquidate 
property and move inland to resettlement camps 
(Weglyn 1976:57). They were eventually required 
to resettle in Mexico City or Guadalajara 
(Daniels 1991:132) 

The U.S. pressured many Central and South 
American counties, even those not at war with 
Japan, to turn over Japanese immigrants and 
nationals to U.S. authorities for transportation to 
the U.S. (Weglyn 1976:57). The U.S. cited the 
safety of the Panama Canal as the rationale for 
this removal, but the use of the Japanese as 
pawns for exchange was not overlooked. During 
the early part of the war some 7,000 U.S. 
citizens had been captured by Japanese forces in 
the Philippines, Guam, Wake Island, and China. 



38 



In all, 2,264 Japanese were sent to the U.S. from 
Latin American and Caribbean counties; over 
1,000 were from Peru (Gardiner 1991). Brazil's 
300,000 Japanese, the largest population outside 
of Hawaii, were left largely alone (Daniels 
1991:132), as were persons of Japanese ancestry 
in Chile and Argentina. Cuba incarcerated all 
adult male Japanese. 

The first transfer to the U.S. occurred in April 
1942 (L.A. Examiner 4/21/42). Most of the 
Japanese sent to the U.S. from Latin America 
were confined at Crystal City, Texas, a special 
family facility operated by the U.S. Immigration 
and Naturalization Service. 

During the war the Swedish ship Gripsholm 
made two voyages to exchange 2,840 Japanese for 
American citizens. Nearly half of the Japanese 
exchanged were from Latin America. Alarmed at 
the number of Japanese being sent to the U.S. 
and with the exchange of citizens with Japan at 
a standstill, the Department of Justice ended the 
deportations to the U.S. in early 1943 (Weglyn 
1976:63-64). After the war, many of the 
deportees were denied reentry to their sending 
country, and as a result many returned to Japan 
or stayed in the U.S. In 1946 many went to 
work at Seabrook Farms. 



Tule Lake Segregation Center 

Those who answered "no" to the loyalty 
questions were considered "disloyals." In 
response to public and congressional criticism, 
the WRA decided to segregate the disloyals 
from the "loyals." One of the Poston camps 
was originally chosen, but eventually, the 
disloyals were segregated to the relocation 
center at Tule Lake, which already housed the 
highest number of disloyals (Figure 3.13). 

The half of the original internees at Tule Lake 
who answered "yes" to the loyalty questions 
were supposed to choose another relocation 
center to make room for more disloyals at Tule 
Lake. But 4,000 loyals at Tule Lake chose to 
stay; some didn't want to leave California and 
others were just tired of being pushed around 
(Myer 1971:77), so the loyal and disloyal 
remained together. The 1,800 disloyals at 
Manzanar could not moved to Tule Lake until 
the Spring of 1944, when additional housing was 
completed. 

Ray Best, who had run the Isolation Centers at 
Moab and Luepp, was named the new director of 
Tule Lake. The 71 inmates at Luepp were 
transferred to Tule Lake (Myer 1971:77). 
Additional troops were assigned to Tule Lake, 
including eight tanks (Drinnon 1987:110). A 




Figure 3.13. Demonstration at the Tule Lake Segregation Center (WRA 
photograph, National Archives). 



39 



"manproof" fence around the relocation center 
perimeter and more guard towers were 
eventually added as well. 

The Tule Lake Segregation Center maintained 
the same internal democratic political structure as 
at the relocation centers, and the new arrivals 
attempted to gain control of center politics. 

A tragic accident set off a chain of events that 
fueled dissension in the center, and culminated in 
the Army taking over control of the Tule Lake 
Segregation Center. On October 15, 1943, a 
truck transporting internees from agricultural 
fields overturned, killing one internee. The 
center administration was blamed since the driver 
was underage, and internees were outraged that 
the widow's benefits amounted to only 2/3 of 
$16, the deceased's monthly wage. 

A massive public funeral was conducted without 
administration approval and ten days later 
agricultural workers decided to go on strike. The 
strikers did not want to harvest food destined for 
other centers. They saw themselves as the 
"loyals" and the pro-U.S. Japanese Americans at 
the other centers as traitors to Japan. 

The administration brought in 234 loyals from 
other relocation centers to harvest the crops. For 
their protection, the loyals were housed outside 
the center at a nearby CCC camp. To add 
further insult, the strike breakers were paid $1 
per hour rather than the standard WRA wages of 
$16 per month (Weglyn 1976:162). 

When WRA Director Dillon Myer made a 
routine visit to Tule Lake on November 1, a 
crowd assembled in the administration area. 
During the assembly a doctor was beaten and 
some cars were vandalized. A group-appointed 
"Committee of 17" met with Myer, but all of 
their demands (including removal of director 
Best) were rejected. Further, future evacuee 
meetings in the administration area were 
forbidden. On November 4 the administration 
began work on a fence between the 



administration and internee areas. 

That evening a crowd of around 400 tried to 
prevent trucks from being used to take food to 
the strike breakers (Weglyn 1976:163) and later 
the mob headed towards the director's residence. 
The Army, arriving with tanks and jeeps 
mounted with machine guns, used tear gas to 
disperse crowds throughout the center. Many 
internees were arrested and a curfew was 
established. The next day schools were closed 
and most work was stopped. 

When an assembly called by the Army on 
November 14 was boycotted, more internees 
were arrested and martial law was declared. On 
November 26 a center-wide dragnet was 
conducted to find the leaders, who had been 
hidden by sympathetic internees. 

A stockade was built in the administration area 
to house those arrested. The stockade had 12-ft- 
high wooden walls to obstruct the view and 
prevent communication with the rest of the 
center population. By December 1 the last of the 
leaders turned themselves in to authorities in a 
show of solidarity with those already arrested. 
On January 1 those incarcerated in the stockade 
initiated the first of three hunger strikes. 

Within the rest of the center, however, the 
protests waned. On January 11, while over 350 
dissident leaders were in jail, the center residents 
voted to end the protests. The vote was close 
(and one block refused to vote) but the 
moderates had retaken control. In response to 
the vote martial law was lifted on January 15. 
The center administration, except for the 
stockade, was returned to the WRA. 

The April 18 Tokyo Declaration, in which the 
Japanese government officially protested the 
treatment of the disloyals, provided some 
recognition to those within the stockade. Shortly 
thereafter, 276 were released from the stockade 
and on May 23, 1944, Army control of the 
stockade was turned over to the WRA. 



40 




Figure 3.14. Honor Roll constructed by Gila River Relocation Center residents 
(WRA photograph, National Archives). 



ventually, over 1,200 Issei were removed from 
the Tule Lake Segregation Center to Justice 
Department internment camps at Bismarck, 
North Dakota and Santa Fe, New Mexico 
(Culley 1991; Myer 1971:90). But, tension still 
ran high. On May 24, James Okamoto was shot 
and killed during an altercation with a guard, 
and in June the general manager of the Business 
Enterprise Association, one of the most stable 
elements in the internee community, was 
murdered. 

On August 19, 1944, soon after the American 
Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) demanded to see 
those in the stockade, all were suddenly released 
and the fence removed. The stockade jail was 
used again for a short period in June 1945 when 
five teenagers were sentenced by the center 
director to the stockade for blowing bugles and 
wearing Japanese-style clothing. 



Nisei in the Army 

The initial aim of the registration questionnaire 
had been to determine loyalty of draft-age 
males before calling for volunteers for the 
army, and then to reinstate the draft for 



Japanese Americans. In early 1943, President 
Roosevelt declared that "... Americanism is not, 
and never was, a matter of race or ancestry ... 
Every loyal American should be given the 
opportunity to serve this country wherever his 
skills will make the greatest contribution- 
whether it be in the ranks of our armed forces, 
war production, agriculture, government service, 
or other work essential to the war effort." While 
the initial call for volunteers resulted in a much 
smaller group than initially expected by the 
government, approximately 1,200 Nisei 
volunteered from the relocation centers at the 
initial registration. 

These volunteers and the later draftees became 
the 442nd Regimental Combat Team. The 442nd 
combined with the 100th Infantry Battalion of 
the Hawaii National Guard, which had 
originally been transferred to the mainland and 
given only wooden guns to train with. The 
government had hoped creating a predominantly 
Japanese American unit would help impress the 
general public with Nisei patriotism and bravery, 
but some Japanese Americans opposed joining 
the army in a segregated unit. 



41 



The combined 100th and 442nd became the most 
decorated regiment in American history, with 
18,143 individual decorations and 9,486 casualties 
in a regiment with an authorized strength of 
4,000 men (Chuman 1976:179; Uyeda 1995:73). 
Both units fought in Italy and France, and were 
responsible for the rescue of the "Lost Battalion" 
of the 36th Texas Division. Ironically, the 522nd 
battalion of the 442nd/ 100th Regiment 
discovered and liberated the Dachau 
Concentration Camp, but were ordered to keep 
quiet about their actions (Noguchi 1992; Uyeda 
1995:75). The next day, another American 
battalion arrived and "officially" liberated the 
camp. 

In addition, more than 16,000 Nisei served in the 
Pacific and in Asia, mainly in intelligence and 
translation, performing invaluable and dangerous 
tasks. Not only were there normal risks of 
combat duty, they risked certain death if 
captured by the Japanese. Nisei women also 
served with distinction in the Women Army 
Corps, as nurses, and for the Red Cross. 

In general, the initial Japanese American 
opposition to serving in the Army turned into 
pride in their accomplishments, partly through 
the efforts of the soldiers' families. Almost every 
camp built "Honor Rolls" listing men who were 
serving in the Army and many windows 
displayed service flags (Figure 3.14). Awareness 
of the accomplishments of the 442nd/ 100th 
outside the camps varied according to how 
closely one followed the news, but those who 
followed military progress closely were impressed 
by the accomplishments of the 442nd "Go For 
Broke" and the 100th Regiment. 

While many Nisei joined the Army as a method 
of proving their loyalty, others resisted 
volunteering and the draft to protest the 
relocation. Nationwide, 293 interned Japanese 
Americans were tried for draft resistance (Daniels 
1993:64). The best organized draft resistance was 
organized by the Fair Play Committee at the 
Heart Mountain Relocation Center, where 54 of 



315 potential draftees did not show up for 
physicals (Daniels 1989:125). Committee leader 
Kiyoshi Okamota was branded disloyal and 
transferred to Tule Lake. Another leader, Isamu 
Horino, was arrested as he tried to walk out the 
front gate to dramatize his lack of freedom. 
Horino was also sent to Tule Lake. A third 
leader, Paul Nakadate, was sent to Tule Lake 
after an administration interrogation determined 
his disloyalty. 

The 54 draft resisters, and nine additional people 
who counseled the resisters, were arrested. All 63 
were found guilty in the largest mass trial for 
draft resistance in U.S. history. Seven members 
of the Fair Play Committee were found guilty of 
conspiracy, as well. However, the verdicts did 
not silence the resistance: 22 more Heart 
Mountain internees were later arrested for draft 
evasion. 

Although 85 internees at Heart Mountain were 
convicted of draft evasion, more than 700 did 
report for physicals, and 385 were inducted. Of 
these, 63 were killed or wounded in combat 
(Daniels 1989:128). 



Supreme Court Cases 

The constitutional questions raised by the 
relocation of Japanese Americans was left to 
the U.S. Supreme Court to decide. The Hiraba- 
yashi, Korematsu, and Endo cases respectively 
dealt with the curfew, evacuation, and 
detention (tenBroek et al. 1954:211-223). 

In Hirabayashi v. United States on June 21, 

1943, the court unanimously decided that due 
to "the gravest imminent danger to the public 
safety" the military did have the right to 
enforce a curfew for a specific group of people, 
on the grounds of military necessity. They 
ruled that the curfew was not motivated by 
ethnic identity or race, but on an actual threat. 

The final two cases were decided December 18, 

1944. In Korematsu v. United States, in a split 



42 



decision, the court upheld the government's right 
to exclude people of Japanese ancestry from the 
West Coast based on military necessity. "Military 
necessity" was purposely not defined — if the 
military did it, it must have been necessary. 

In Endo v. United States it was unanimously 
decided that Mitsuye Endo, a loyal U.S. citizen, 
should be released unconditionally, that is, 
without having to follow the indefinite leave 
procedure established by the WRA. The court 
stated that the WRA "has no authority to subject 
citizens who are concededly loyal to its leave 
procedure." The government therefore did not 
have the right to confine any loyal Japanese 
American. While sidestepping the constitutional 
question of the right of government to hold 
citizens without cause in wartime, it did in effect 
free all loyal Japanese Americans still held in 
Relocation Centers. The WRA had simply 
exceeded its authority. 



Closing the Relocation Centers 

During the war, the Japanese American 
internees had wondered what would be the 
ultimate fate of the relocation centers. Some 
expected them to close when the war ended, 
while others, particularly the elderly, felt the 
government owed them a place to stay, now 
that they had been forcibly removed from their 
own homes. Anticipating the Supreme Court 
decisions, on December 17, 1944 the War 
Department announced the lifting of the West 
Coast exclusion orders, and the WRA 
simultaneously announced that the relocation 
centers would be closed within one year. Initial 
reactions ranged from immediate return to the 
West Coast to vowing never to leave the 
centers. 

Some of the first to return to the West Coast 
encountered violence and hostility and 
difficulty finding housing and jobs. Others had 
more success and encouraged people to leave 
the camps and return to the West Coast, as 
they did in increasing numbers. Many who 



feared returning to the West Coast found refuge 
in other parts of the country, especially Denver, 
Salt Lake City, and Chicago. 

Internees had to relocate on their own. The 
WRA provided only minimum assistance: $25 
per person, train fare, and meals for those with 
less than $500 in cash. Many left when ordered 
and by September 15,000 a month were leaving 
the various centers. But many had no place to 
go, since they lost their homes and businesses 
because of the relocation. In the end the WRA 
had to resort to forced evictions. 

At the Minidoka Relocation Center, laundries, 
latrines, and mess halls were progressively closed 
until the few remaining people had to search for 
food to eat. Internees were given 2-week, 3-day, 
and 30-minute eviction notice. If they still did 
not leave on their own, the WRA packed their 
belongings and forced them onto trains (Sakoda 
1989). 

Eventually the centers were emptied out, and all 
were finally closed by the end of 1945. The Tule 
Lake Segregation Center, because many internees 
there had renounced their citizenship, operated 
longer, until March 20, 1946. 

On July 1, 1944, Public Law 504 had allowed 
U.S. citizens to renounce their citizenship on 
U.S. soil during time of war. Of the 5,700 
Japanese Americans requesting renunciation, 95% 
were from Tule Lake. A third of all those at 
Tule Lake applied for repatriation to Japan; 65 
percent of those requesting repatriation were 
born in the U.S. (Daniels 1989:116). On 
February 23, 1946, the first 432 repatriates set 
sail for Japan. Over 4,000 would follow. 
However, over the next five years all but 357 
would apply for a return of their U.S. 
citizenship (Smith 1995:444). 

After the last internees were released, the centers 
were abandoned. If the land had been privately 
owned, the original owners were generally given 
the option to purchase the land. Otherwise, the 



43 



land reverted to the control of the previous land- 
managing agency (Table 3.7). Buildings were sold 
to veterans, auctioned off, or given to local 
schools and hospitals. On May 15 the last WRA 
field office was closed and on June 30, 1946, the 
WRA was officially disbanded. 



Retrospect 

Six of the former relocation centers are listed 
on the National Register for their historical 
significance. Two sites later became National 
Historic Landmarks: Manzanar, and the 
memorial cemetery at Rohwer. Plaques and 
small monuments are the only memorials. 



Many of the former internees have returned to 
visit the camp sites, both as individuals and 
families and as organized pilgrimages. The 
Manzanar pilgrimage is one of the most 
established, taking place each spring. 

People still debate whether the exclusion orders 
and the relocation centers were just, reasonable, 
constitutional, or justifiable wartime responses 
(Baker 1991, 1994; Smith 1995; Uyeda 1995). 
However, in 1982 the California legislature 
passed a bill to provide $5,000 restitution to 314 
Japanese Americans who were fired from their 
state jobs in 1942, and in 1989 the U.S. 
government officially apologized and granted 
redress of $20,000 to each surviving internee. 



Table 3.7. 
Disposition of WRA Centers (Myer 1971:348). 





date of 


Agency designated 


Center 


release 


for Disposal 


Gila River 


2/23/46 


Government Land Office 


Granada 


1/26/46 


Farm Credit Administration 


Heart Mtn. 


2/23/46 


Bureau of Reclamation 


Jerome 


10/1/44 


War Department 


Manzanar 


3/9/46 


Government Land Office 


Minidoka 


10/1/44 


Bureau of Reclamation 


Poston 


3/9/46 


U.S. Indian Service 


Rohwer 


3/9/46 


Government Land Office 


Topaz 


2/9/46 


Farm Credit Administration 


Tule Lake 


5/4/46 


Bureau of Reclamation 



44 



Chapter 4 



The Manzanar Relocation Center 

Jeffery F. Burton, Mary M. Farrell, and Wilber Sato 




Manzanar was one of ten facilities at 
which Japanese American citizens and 
Japanese immigrants were interned 
during World War II. Manzanar, established as 
the Owens Valley Reception Center (Figure 4.1), 
was first run by the U.S. Army's Wartime 
Civilian Control Administration (WCCA). It 
later became the first relocation center to be 
operated by the War Relocation Authority 
(WRA). Begun in March of 1942, major con- 
struction was completed within six weeks, and 
within four months Manzanar's population 
was nearly 10,000 (Manzanar Free Press 
7/31/42). 



Beginnings 

In February 1942, several prominent Owens 
Valley residents, including newspaper pub- 
lisher George Savage of Independence, 
merchant Douglas Joseph of Bishop, Ralph 
Merritt of Big Pine, Judge William Dehy of 
Independence, and Dr. Howard Dueker and 
lumber company owner R.R. Henderson of 
Lone Pine, were summoned to a meeting in 
the valley with the U.S. Army. Not until 
the meeting, held on February 26, did the 
Army let the group know its agenda: an off- 
the-record discussion concerning the possibil- 
ity of setting up a Japanese internment camp 
in the Owens Valley (Merritt 1946). 



Tom C. Clark of the WCCA and U.S. Attorney 
General's office had made an earlier contact 
concerning the internment camp with Robert 
Brown of the Inyo-Mono Associates, an organi- 
zation akin to a regional chamber of commerce. 
On Brown's advice, Clark chose to work 
through a citizens' committee to help counter 
any possible local opposition to the project 
(Garrett and Larson 1977:25). The committee 
took the name Owens Valley Citizens' Committee 




Figure 4.1. Owens Valley Reception Center, March 
1942 (WCCA photograph, Smithsonian Institution) 



45 



in part to suggest the civic responsibility of 
hosting the facility (Walton 1992:217). 

Initially, the military wanted to house a popula- 
tion of 25,000 inmates, but the committee 
convinced the Army that only about 10,000 
people could be accommodated in the valley. 
The next day, with committee chairman Ralph 
Merritt as guide, several potential sites were 
inspected. The tour ended with the selection of 
the abandoned Manzanar townsite as the location 
for the internment camp (Sibley 1945). 

The selected site was on land owned by the city 
of Los Angeles and managed by the Department 
of Water and Power (LADWP). At first the local 
LADWP Chief Engineer refused to lease the 
8,000 acres needed for the facility (Figures 4.2 
and 4.3). However, the Los Angeles city council 
did not want to go on record opposing the 
Owens Valley internment camp, stating "we 
cannot tamper with the army." The city and the 
Army struck a deal in which the land would be 
leased for a "temporary" facility, and the Army 
would be responsible for guarding the LADWP 
waterworks and keeping the Japanese Americans 
under constant armed surveillance (LA Examiner 
3/10/42). 

Apparently not content with these assurances 
and ever fearful of losing their Owens Valley 
water rights, LADWP set the rent for the land at 
$90,000 a year (when it had been previously 
leased as grazing land for $2,000 a year) in hopes 
of dissuading the Army. A court order eventu- 
ally fixed the lease at $25,000 a year. 

The military told the Owens Valley Citizens 
Committee that they would send plans, contrac- 
tors, and materials; Ralph Merritt was to oversee 
the work and make sure the camp was ready in 
six weeks (Sibley 1945). On March 3, a private 
contractor arrived in Owens Valley and began 
telling local residents that "16 miles of prison 
camps" would be built there. To counter the 
rumors, the Army and Citizens Committee met 
again on March 5, and on March 6 the plans for 



the internment camp at Manzanar were made 
public. The same day construction bids were 
opened (Inyo Independent 3/6/42). 

On March 14 the first truckloads of lumber 
arrived at Manzanar and the next day ditches for 
water and sewer lines were dug. By March 17 the 
first building was completed; newspapers 
reported that two new buildings were being 
completed every hour (Merritt 1946). 



First Arrivals 

On March 21 the first Japanese Americans, 61 
men and 21 women, made the 235-mile trip by 
bus from Los Angeles to Manzanar (Manzanar 
Free Press 3/20/43). The next day six more 
Japanese Americans arrived by private car. 
Organized by Father Hugh Lavery of the 
Maryknoll Japanese Catholic Church in Los 
Angeles, they had volunteered to go early to 
help build the camp (Time 4/6/42). The men 
were mostly plumbers, carpenters, and mechan- 
ics. The women were recruited to do office and 
first aid work (Tateishi 1984:223). 

More volunteers soon followed. On March 23, 
500 Japanese American men in 140 cars and 
trucks departed under military escort for 
Manzanar from Pasadena's Rose Bowl. Every 
tenth vehicle in the convoy was an Army jeep 
with two soldiers. There was also a Red Cross 
unit, a water truck, and a wrecking car with 
spare parts; three vehicles made it to Manzanar 
under tow. Reportedly the soldiers were not 
guards, "but there to help" (LA Examiner 
3/24/42). Another 500 Japanese Americans, 
mostly older men, departed from Los Angeles 
by train for Lone Pine. A box lunch was 
provided and there was a doctor and a nurse as 
well as soldiers in each of the 13 coaches (LA 
Examiner 3/24/42). 

By the time the volunteers arrived, 38 buildings 
had been completed at Manzanar. Water pipes 
had been laid, but there was no running water 
or roof on the mess hall (Figure 4.4). The 



46 




Figure 4.2. Manzanar Relocation Center lease area. 



47 




c 
_c 

> 

Q 

IS 

Q- 

U 



U 



> 

IS 

< 

C 

_o 

z 



U 

c 
o 



JO 









CL 

in 



48 




Figure 4.4. Construction underway at Manzanar (courtesy of Eastern 
California Museum). 



sewer consisted of a portable outhouse and an 
open ditch running from Block 1 to Block 6 {Life 
3/6/42; Newsweek 3/6/42; Time 3/6/42). On 
March 24, the Manzanar Information Office 
opened to serve the evacuees and organize 
workers for various jobs. A common complaint 
was the lack of toilet paper and privacy. 



Filling the Center 

Newspapers at the time reported that Manza- 
nar was not a concentration camp in the Axis 
sense of the word; armed soldiers were report- 
edly stationed there to protect the Japanese 
Americans, not harass them. For example, the 
Los Angeles Examiner (3/24/42) stressed that 
Manzanar provided a "message to take across 
the Pacific to Japan. 'This ... is the way we do 
things in America'" (Figures 4.5 and 4.6). 

Nevertheless, internment was certainly not 
voluntary. The first group of forced evacuees 
arrived at Manzanar on March 26. This group 
of 227 people represented all remaining Japa- 
nese Americans on Bainbridge Island, Washing- 
ton; 34 had already been removed by the FBI 



and 13 had left earlier on their own. Nearly 
every family had to leave behind a pet {LA 
Examiner 3/31/42). A group from the Stockton 
area of central California arrived later, but in the 
end over 90 percent of the Manzanar population 
came from Los Angeles county (Hersey 1988: 
78). 

The Los Angeles Examiner (4/2/42) made light of 
the forced evacuation in an article entitled "Japs' 
Departure Like Excursion." The paper reported 
that 500, including 33 babies and a troop of boy 
scouts, were off for Manzanar with no tears and 
no apparent regrets. Quotes attributed to some 
of those boarding the trains sound much like 
propaganda: "it's our honeymoon trip" and "we 
haven't had a vacation in 15 years." Also 
mentioned was a man bedridden with asthma for 
65 years that got well as soon as he arrived at 
Manzanar. 

Up and down the West Coast, Japanese Ameri- 
can were rounded up area by area, and trans- 
ported 2,000 at a time so that the same Army 
troops could act as escorts. These groups were 
split up into smaller groups for transfer to 



49 




Figure 4.5. Evacuees gather behind sentry to 
scrutinize new arrivals (from Spicer et al. 1969:71). 

Manzanar because of the limitations of train 
transportation. By mid April, up to 1,000 
Japanese Americans were arriving at Manzanar a 
day (LA Examiner 4/19/42) and by mid May 
Manzanar had a population of over 7,000 (Time 
5/18/42). 

The residential blocks at Manzanar were filled as 
new evacuees arrived. For example, Bainbndge 
Islanders were placed in Block 3, and across from 
them were Terminal Islanders in Block 9. Block 
22 was filled with people from west Los Angeles 
and Block 28 with people from San Fernando 
Valley (Sue Emery, Personal Communication, 
1993). 



Evacuees continued to arrive through the 
summer and fall. Since many of the evacuees 
went out on temporary leave to work on farms 
elsewhere in the country, the population of 
Manzanar did not peak until December. In 
October, the last of the large groups arrived at 
Manzanar with the transfer of 85 people from 
the Santa Anita Assembly Center. 



Infrastructure 

The initial cost of construction at Manzanar 
had been $3.5 million (Hersey 1988:85) and 
$900,000 a year went into Inyo County's 
economy via payroll, direct purchases, and 
visitors (Merritt notes in BLM Bakersfield 
District file). Merritt estimated that the cost 
per person per day at Manzanar in September 
1944 was $1.07, including food, shelter, heat, 
lights, salaries, medical needs, and education 
(Merritt notes in BLM Bakersfield District file). 



Original Construction (WCCA) 

The relocation center was built by Los Angeles 
contractor Griffith and Company (Sandridge 
and Sisler 1946a). Construction proceeded 10 
hours a day 7 days a week (Figure 4.7 and 4.8). 




Figure 4.6. Arrival of evacuees (WRA photograph, UCLA Special 
Collections). 



50 




Figure 4.7. Early construction scene at Manzanar (courtesy of Los Angeles Times). 




Figure 4.8. Construction at Manzanar (courtesy of Eastern California 
Museum) . 



A few local workers were hired but most of the 
construction crew came from the Los Angeles 
area. The influx of workers caused a housing 
shortage in the nearby towns of Lone Pine and 
Independence and many local residents made 
extra money boarding workers (Jones 1977:106). 



The Japanese Americans who had come early to 
help construct the camp did not do construction 
they had volunteered for; instead they were 
relegated to clearing building sites and roads, and 
other menial labor. 



51 




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53 




Figure 4.11. Evacuee barracks (WRA photograph, UCLA Special 
Collections). 



The relocation center consisted of over 800 
buildings (Table 4.1; Figures 4.9 and 4.10). 
Buildings in the administration area included two 
interconnected buildings for offices, a service 
station, two family apartments, two men's 
dorms, two women's dorms, a provost building 
(community government), a mess hall, and a 
reception building. Each of the 36 residential 
blocks contained 14 barracks, a mess hall, a 
combination block office and recreation hall, 
communal bathhouses, a laundry room, an 
ironing room, and a heating oil storage tank. 
The wood and tarpaper barracks were divided 
into four apartments (Figure 4.11). The largest 
which could be assigned to a family was 20 ft by 
25 ft. There was an average of eight people to an 
apartment. Furnishings provided included iron 
cots, straw mattresses, Army blankets, and a 
heater. Six buildings in the warehouse area were 
used to store evacuee property that had been 
shipped to Manzanar (Bromley 1946). On 
October 13, 1942, alone, 14 carloads of stored 
furniture were shipped to Manzanar. 



Various improvements were added using volun- 
teer labor after initial construction. For example, 
the July 16, 1942, Progress Report noted that 
rock sumps to drain water at the outdoor faucets 
were dug as sanitary and mosquito-abatement 
measures. Other improvements were designed to 
combat the harsh environment of the camp. 
Wallboard and linoleum were added to improve 
insulation and reduce dust. The July 23, 1942, 
Progress Report noted that the linoleum laying 
was one-third complete, and less than one month 
later the linoleum crew was half done {Manzanar 
Free Press 9/10/42). Other improvements were 
added by the evacuees to suit their needs. Storage 
cellars were hand-dug under barracks and mess 
halls and the residents of each block used their 
own money and labor to provide their mess hall 
with curtains (Block Manager's Daily Reports 
1942-1945). In August, the first Japanese furo 
(bath) was constructed. Located in the Block 6 
men's shower room, it consisted of an 8-ft-square 
by 3-ft-high cement tub. By the end of October 
1942 over half of the residential blocks had 
Japanese baths. 



54 



Later Construction (WRA) 

After initial construction, all additional official 
construction at Manzanar was completed using 
paid evacuee labor (Table 4.2; Figure 4.12). Major 
undertakings included construction of 18 
residential buildings in the administration area 
for appointed personnel; construction of an 
auditorium (Figures 4.13 and 4.14); and the 
construction of chicken and hog farms. The 
auditorium, completed at a cost of $30,355, was 
dedicated in February 1944 {Manzanar Free Press 
2/23/44). 

Other new construction included a laundry in 
the staff housing area, a sentry post and police 
post at the relocation center entrance, a sentry 
post at the Military Police compound, and a 
residence for the chief medical officer and 
appointed nurses at the hospital. In the ware- 
house area a root cellar (Figure 4.15), two 
industrial latrines, and a garage for vehicle 
lubrication, washing, and painting were con- 
structed. Most of this construction was wood 
frame, but the sentry and police posts were built 
of native stone. 



Table 4.1 
WCCA (contractor-built) Constructed Build- 
ings at Manzanar Relocation Center. 



Building 


Number 


Barracks 


504 


Latrine 


72 


Mess Hall 


36 


Recreation Hall 


36 


Ironing Room 


36 


Laundry 


36 


Administration 


12 


Hospital 


16 


Children's Village 


3 


Net Factory 


5 


Warehouse 


40 


Refrigerated Warehouse 


2 


Garage 


4 



WRA construction also included replacement 
of the Block 15 men's latrine that had been 
destroyed by a windstorm. Other minor im- 



provements included a 9 ft by 22 ft addition to 
the Caucasian Mess Hall, a 6 ft by 6 ft heater 
room addition at the Children's Village, a 7 ft by 
10 ft boiler room addition at the Military Police 
compound, and a 10 ft by 16 ft building west of 
Motor Pool office. Small storage sheds, enclosed 
on two sides, were built at each of the fuel oil 
tanks (Figure 4.16). Duckboards (double flooring) 
were added to the food warehouses to comply 
with state law. 

Also built were a dehydration plant for process- 
ing surplus vegetables, a 12-ft-square rice malt 
room at the north end of Camouflage Building 
No. 4, and a garbage can wash rack near the 
Hospital boiler. The garbage can wash rack, 
designed for cleaning 250 garbage cans a day, 
consisted of an 18 ft by 35 ft concrete platform, 
with a grease trap and sump connected to the 
main sewerline. An incinerator for hospital waste 
was built west of the garbage can washing rack. 
Made of native stone, it was 8 ft square by 6 ft 
high with a 12 ft high smokestack. The fire box 
was 4 ft wide by 5 ft deep by 3^ ft high, with a 
4 ft concrete slab on each side and a 10 ft 
concrete slab at the front. 

The water reservoir was enlarged from 540,000 
to 900,000 gallons by raising the embankments. 
Five new fire hydrants were installed in the 
relocation center and four were installed at the 
chicken ranch. Most of the relocation center 
roads were oil-surfaced for dust abatement. 
Heavier duty roads at the entrance and in the 
warehouse area were surfaced. 



Utilities 

The effort needed to construct this artificially 
created, densely populated city was equaled by 
the effort needed to maintain it. Over 500 
evacuees were employed in maintenance and 
public works jobs to take care of water, electric- 
ity, plumbing, stoves, and garbage. {Manzanar 
Free Press 3/20/43). Most crews had a Caucasian 
foreman, no matter how experienced the crew 
members. 



55 




56 




Figure 4.13. Evacuee construction workers at auditorium (courtesy of 
Eastern California Museum). 




Figure 4.14. Manzanar Relocation Center auditorium (courtesy of Eastern California Museum). 



Electricity for the relocation center was provided 
from the LADWP Cottonwood Creek power- 
house, but there was a dispute over the rate. 
LADWP wanted to charge the regular residential 
rate (which totaled $153,212.02 at closing), while 



the WRA wanted to pay only the lower indus- 
trial rate, since there were no individual meters. 
The WRA's offer of a $100,000.00 settlement was 
rejected by LADWP (Manzanar Free Press 
5/23/45) and the bill was apparently never paid. 



57 




Figure 4.15. Root cellar (Toyo Miyatake photograph®, courtesy of 
Archie Miyatake). 




Figure 4.16. Heating 
of Archie Miyatake) . 



Miyatake photograph®, courtesy 



58 




59 




Figure 4.18. Switchboard operator Trudee 
Osajima (WRA photograph, National 
Archives). 



Table 4.2. 
WRA (evacuee-built) Construction at Manza- 
nar Relocation Center. 



Project 


Started 


Completed 


Staff Housing 


1-15-43 


3-31-44 


Auditorium 


1-28-44 


9-30-44 


Chicken Farm 


7-8-43 


12-31-43 


Hog Farm 


9-1-43 


4-30-44 


Root Cellar 


7-5-43 


10-23-43 


Industrial Latrines 


9-8-43 


11-1-43 


Garage 


11-20-44 


4-23-45 


Caucasian Mess Hall 


5-1-43 


7-1-43 


Sentry Posts 


10-1-43 


5-10-44 


MP Boiler Room 


6-1-44 


7-5-44 


Oil Sheds 


4-8-43 


12-2-43 


Dehydration Plant 


7-22-43 


9-30-43 


Malt Room 


10-16-43 


12-17-43 


Block 15 Latrine 


6-14-43 


6-26-43 


Warehouse Duckboards 


8-1-44 


10-6-44 



Each apartment had one or two electrical 
outlets and a bare hanging light fixture. Ironing 
rooms were added to the block facilities after 
ironing in the barracks blew out too many 
fuses. Street lights were mounted on power- 
poles at the corners of each block and at the 
midsection of the long axis of each block 
(Figure 4.17). Every four blocks had a centrally 
located fire alarm telephone. The central 40- 
line telephone switch board apparently served 
mostly administrative functions (Figure 4.18). 



Each residential block and the military police 
compound had a fuel oil storage tank and 
platform on 12-inch-square piers. Twelve of the 
tanks held 2,450 gallons and 25 held 1,250 
gallons. There were also two buried 6,000-gallon 
tanks at the hospital boiler room. The distribu- 
tion of oil to the tanks was handled by an 
evacuee crew of 51 men. The residents were 
expected to bring the oil to their individual 
heaters. 

Most of the water system was constructed by 
contractor Vinson and Pringle of Los Angeles. 
Water was first diverted from a dam and settling 
basin on Shepherd Creek. From there it flowed 
through an open ditch to a 540,000-gallon 
concrete-lined storage reservoir, 120 ft by 180 ft 
in size. Two 14-inch calico gates regulated the 
water flow from the reservoir. One opened into 
a central spillway out of the reservoir and the 
other opened into a 14-inch-diameter welded 
pipe. The 4,650-ft-long pipeline brought the 
water to a 98,000 gallon steel storage tank which 
had a 8 ft by 22 ft chlorination house adjacent 
(Figure 4.19). The pipeline and steel tank were 
built by LADWP. From the steel tank a 12-inch- 
diameter pipe delivered the water to the reloca- 
tion center. A 10,000 gallon redwood tank was 
built on the east side of US Highway 395 at Well 
No. 75 as a backup water supply. 

Water was provided to staff residences, the 
hospital (including an automatic sprinkler system 
in the wards), the Children's Village, the mess 
halls, the communal bathrooms and laundries, 84 
fire hydrants, and the exterior of each barracks 
(Figure 4.20). December 1943 water consumption 
was 953,745 gallons or 112 gallons per person. 
Consumption in July 1944 was 1,849,587 gallons 
or 212 gallons per person, the increase due to the 
watering of gardens and lawns (Engineering 
Folder, Merritt files, UCLA Special Collections). 

Like the water system, sewerlines, manholes, 
grease traps, and the sewage treatment plant were 
constructed by contractor Vinson and Pringle of 
Los Angeles (Figure 4.21). Initially sewage was 



60 




Figure 4.19. Water tank and chlorination house (Toyo Miyatake photograph®, 
courtesy of Archie Miyatake). 



treated in a 100 ft by 20 ft by 6 ft deep septic 
tank. But, by the end of August 1942, a sewage 
treatment plant was completed VA miles east of 
the relocation center at a cost $147,000 (Merritt 
notes, BLM Bakersfield District Office, Project 
Plans and Reports file; Progress Report 4/16/42). 
This "state-of-the-art" sewage treatment plant was 
operated by six evacuees and an evacuee chemist 
under a Caucasian supervisor. To avoid any 
possible contamination to Los Angeles's water 
supply, LADWP required that the sewage from 
the relocation center be siphoned under the Los 
Angeles aqueduct rather than piped over it. 

The 1.25 million gallon a day capacity sewage 
treatment plant included a control room (with an 
office, laboratory, metering room, and equip- 
ment storage), a grit chamber, a parshall flume, 
sludge and scum pumps, a 60-ft-diameter clarifier, 
a 40-ft-diameter digester, a chlorine contact tank, 
and four 50 ft by 100 ft settling ponds. The 
settling ponds were apparently never used: 
LADWP was concerned that the ponds would 
provide a breeding place for ducks that would 



then contaminate the Los Angeles aqueduct. 
Instead, in violation of State and County 
regulations, the liquid sewage was chlorinated 
and allowed to flow via an open ditch into the 
Owens River. This made more than a few people 
living downstream sick (Owens Valley Progress 
6/11/43). 

Each residential block had a garbage can rack 
near the mess hall for rubbish collection. Nine 
tons of garbage were removed and 130 garbage 
cans were washed each day (Engineering Folder 
2/17/44 memo, UCLA Special Collections). 
Much of the waste was salvaged. Food scraps 
were sold under contract to a local hog farmer or 
later used at the relocation center hog farm. A 
crew of 19 Japanese Americans crushed tin cans 
for shipment and a crew of 16 removed grease 
from the approximately 100 grease traps in the 
center. The salvaged grease was mixed with waste 
from the butcher shop and dehydrated, deodor- 
ized, and packed in drums for shipment. Over 
1,500 pounds of grease were collected each 
month. 



61 




62 




63 



Motor Pool 

The over 140 cars and trucks brought to Manza- 
nar by the Japanese Americans were impounded 
and purchased by the government. Newer 
models were kept for use by the relocation 
center. Older vehicles were dismantled, workable 
parts salvaged, and the bodies crushed for scrap 
(Baxter 1942; Garrett and Larson 1977:84-85). A 
few cars were sold by the government and a 
Ford dealer in Lone Pine bought one or two 
(Garrett and Larson 1977:207). 

In June 1942 the Manzanar Motor Pool consisted 
of five passenger cars, five panel trucks, 34 Army 
pickups, five rented pickups, three rented dump 
trucks, and a fire truck on loan from the Forest 
Service. In July, 31 passenger cars, six panel 
trucks, eight pickup trucks, and 17 stake-side 
trucks were received from the Pomona Motor 
Pool. These vehicles had been purchased by the 
Army from Japanese American evacuees housed 
at the Pomona Assembly Center for distribution 
to the relocation centers (MacNair 1945). 



As of September 1942 there was still no garage 
or gas pump, and repairs were being made in the 
open by two evacuee mechanics (Quarterly 
Progress Report 9/30/42). Less than a year later 
36 Army-type vehicles were recalled from Man- 
zanar to Camp Haan, Riverside, without delay 
(Section Report 3/30/43). At the end of 1943 
there were 106 vehicles in the motor pool 
including 28 passenger cars, five pickup trucks, 
17 panel trucks, 20 1/2-ton Army trucks, 14 IV2- 
ton Army trucks, 79 IVi-ton stake-side trucks, 
four ambulances, and a rented dump truck. At 
the closing of the center in December 1945 there 
were 175 cars, 17 heavy vehicles, and an eight-car 
garage (MacNair 1945). 



Military Police 

One company of 99 men ("B" Company of the 
747th Military Police Battalion) were stationed 
at Manzanar when it opened. Weapons in- 
cluded two heavy machine guns, four light 
machine guns, 89 shot guns, 21 sub-machine 
guns, and 21 rifles (Weglyn 1976:124). The 
Military Police were originally housed in a tent 
camp (Figure 4.22). Eventually, the Military 




Figure 4.22. Military Police encampment, 
photograph, UCLA Special Collections). 



ly 1942 (WRA 



64 



Police compound, located at the southeast corner 
of the Relocation Center, consisted of 12 
buildings, including four barracks, an office, an 
administration and storage building, a recreation 
hall, a mess hall, a guardhouse, a first aid station, 
a latrine and bathhouse, and a motor repair shop 
(Engineering Section Final Report 1946). 

At first the incarceration was enforced by 
walking sentries (Quarterly Progress Report 
9/30/42). In response to public and congressional 
complaints that Manzanar should be surrounded 
with barbed wire at once, Karl Yoneda wrote the 
editor of People's World (4/28/42) "I want to 
state that we are well-guarded ... although [there 
is] no barbed wire, ... [we are] guarded by sub- 
machine guns in the hands of U.S. soldiers all 
around camp ... [and in the] past month 
watchtowers [have been built]." 

The eight watchtowers, built by Lone Pine 
contractor Charles I. Summer, were completed 
on August 11, 1942. Supported by 6-inch-square 
posts set on 24-inch-square piers, the towers were 
8 ft square at the bottom and 6 ft square at the 
top. They had two platforms: the lower one 6 ft 
by 10 ft and enclosed with sash windows, and 
the upper one 8 ft by 12 ft with an open railing 
and a 2,000 candle power searchlight (Engineer- 
ing Section Final Report 1946; Figure 4.23, see 
Figure 4.15). The towers eliminated the need for 
sentries walking all four sides of the relocation 
center boundary. Only two beats on the west 
boundary were still being patrolled by the end of 
August. 

The guards were instructed to shoot anyone who 
tried to leave the center or who refused to halt 
when ordered. During a severe dust storm two 
guards challenged each other until their identity 
could be determined {Manzanar Sentry 5/18/42). 
A more serious episode occurred on May 16, 
1942, when Hikoji Takeuchi was shot by Private 
Phillips, a sentry. Takeuchi was seriously wound- 
ed but recovered. Takerchi claimed the sentry 
told him it was okay to go collect wood from a 
scrap pile, then whistled him back, and shot him 



while he returned. The guard said that he 
ordered the Japanese to halt, but the Japanese 
stated to run away, so he shot him (WRA 
Report 8/30/42). The guard's story does not 
appear to be accurate given that Takeuchi was 
wounded in the front and not in the back. 

A five-strand barbed wire fence around the 
relocation center was completed by Los Angeles 
contractor C.J. Paradis by the end of 1942 
(Gordon Chappell, personal communication, 
1996). The fencing project included the removal 




Figure 4.23. Watchtower along western boundary 
(Toyo Miyatake photograph, courtesy of Eastern 
California Museum). 



65 



of 5,000 linear ft of old fencing and the installa- 
tion of 18,871 linear ft of new fencing (Sandridge 
and Sisler 1946). In September the Army 
considered the construction of an additional 
watchtower to the west of Manzanar to prevent 
the evacuees from further fishing trips (Progress 
Report 9/21/42). Evacuee swimming and fishing 
in the nearby creeks was a subject of constant 
complaints from both LADWP and local 
residents. 

The intensity of the Military Police's vigilance 
abated over time. By June 1943 the Military 
Police force was reduced from three officers and 
134 men to two officers and 64 men (Semi- 
Annual Report 6/30/43) and the watchtowers 
were no longer staffed full time. By December 
1943, the guard towers were abandoned, the 
perimeter was no longer patrolled, and only two 
security posts were being maintained (Semi- 
Annual Report 12/31/44). The windows of the 
watchtowers were subsequently removed because 
of children shooting marbles and rocks at them 
with slingshots (Ross Hopkins, personal commu- 
nication. 1996). 

A year later the Military Police were reduced to 
two officers and 40 men. This left the Military 
Police with barely enough personnel to support 
themselves and the only sentry was a soldier 
stationed at the relocation center entrance to 
help control traffic. 

Most of the incidents the Military Police dealt 
with were minor infractions of administrative 
rules. For example, the Manzanar Free Press 
reported on August 11, 1943, that five persons 
were arrested by the Military Police for being 
out of bounds at a picnic area. 

It was standard policy for the Military Police to 
confiscate knives, flashlights, radios, and other 
prohibited items on arrival (Tateishi 1984:17). 
But one evacuee, who was returning to the 
center after being on furlough for the beet 
harvest, remembers that the guards also confis- 
cated the candy, cookies, and sugar he had 



acquired in Montana (Stanley 1994:62). Since the 
possession of these articles was legal, the confisca- 
tion would seem to have been due to harassment 
or greed. 



Administration 

Once the camp was constructed, administration 
of the center was shifted from the Army's 
Wartime Civil Control Administration 
(WCCA) to the War Relocation Administra- 
tion. On May 20, 1942, the WRA replaced 
Clayton Triggs, who was previously a Civilian 
Conservation Corps administrator (Garrett and 
Larson 1977:26), with Roy Nash, the former 
superintendent of a large Indian Agency in 
California. Nash carried over only six of the 
WCCA staff. Soon after his arrival, Nash gave 
a speech to the evacuees in which he said they 
could go to the mountains for recreation. He 
also discontinued the use of searchlights at 
night (Progress Report 4/15/42). 

The Inyo Independent (4/10/42) reported that 
the boundaries at Manzanar were extended 
west four miles into the foothills of the Sierra 
Nevada, for picnics and outings. To appease 
LADWP, no swimming would be allowed and 
fishing would require a State license. But there 
soon were complaints that people were swim- 
ming in creeks feeding the aqueduct and the 
community reservoir {Inyo Independent 
7/17/42) and the boundary extension was 
cancelled (Progress Report 7/16/42). Nash was 
reprimanded for his liberalism, and had to 
countermand his order. 

Other complaints from Inyo County residents 
forced the cancellation of a 24-hour shift for 
the reservoir maintenance crew, and resulted in 
restrictions on working at a farm to the south 
(Progress Report 9/8/42). Early on, a local 
newspaper editorial complained that Nash 
allowed a trip to Darwin to get Joshua trees 
for landscaping when gas rationing was in 
effect. By the end of September, 1942, Roy 
Nash had resigned to take a position with the 



66 



Bureau of Economic Warfare in Washington. 

Harvey Coverley (to 11/5/42) and Solon Kimball 
(to 11/19/42) served as acting directors until a 
replacement for Nash could be found. In an 
apparent bid to placate local residents, Ralph 
Merritt, who had been chairman of the Owens 
Valley Citizens Committee that selected the 
Manzanar site, was named the new director. 
Merritt, who had been ranching in Yerington, 
Nevada, for 10 years, was an experienced 
administrator. During World War I, he was the 
Federal Food Administrator for California. 
Between 1912 and 1920, he was Comptroller of 
the University of California, and President of the 
California Rice Growers Association. He headed 
Sun-Maid for nine years in the 1920s. Merritt 
served as Director of Manzanar until the center 
was dismantled in 1946. 

Under Merritt's administration the Caucasian 
staff at Manzanar was expanded from 97 in 
October to 141 in December, 1942 (Quarterly 
Report 10/112/31/42). By the end of 1944, the 
staff would reach 158, including 25 local resi- 
dents (Merritt notes, BLM Bakersfield District 
files). But even this number was inadequate to 
run a city of 10,000 people, and evacuees were 
assigned to help (Spicer et al. 1969:76-77). 

In October, 1942, Manzanar's designation had 
been changed from a "temporary" Assembly 
Center to a "permanent" Relocation Center. The 
Manzanar Free Press reported that WRA director 
Dillon Myer visited in October 1942, confirming 
that "Manzanar is a permanent relocation 
center." However, Myer's announcement and 
Merritt's appointment did not quell the evacuee's 
fears that they might be uprooted again at any 
time. The Administration's January 30, 1943 
Project Report noted that a rumor about Manza- 
nar closing had been traced to a letter from 
LADWP reminding the Army that they were 
assured that Manzanar was merely a processing 
center for temporary internment. But some 
Manzanar residents appeared to have settled in 
by the end of March 1943, when the Block 



Manager's Report for Block 22 reported that he 
liked the new director, and "if things get too 
pleasant, than maybe we will all want to stay 
here for the rest of our lives like the Indians." 



The Manzanar Riot 

Within weeks of Ralph Merritt's arrival he was 
confronted with one of the most severe crises 
of the relocation process. Although referred to 
in the press as a "pro-Axis" demonstration 
(Associated Press 12/6/42), the "Manzanar 
Riot" was actually the culmination of tensions 
that had been accumulating over many months. 
There was no evidence to indicate that the 
Manzanar incident was in any sense a "celebra- 
tion" of the anniversary of Pearl Harbor as was 
reported in many newspapers (WRA Report 
1942, UCLA Special Collections). 

Hansen and Hacker (1974), in a reevaluation of 
the events leading up to the riot, point out 
long-standing differences in the Japanese 
American community which resulted in diffe- 
rent responses to the evacuation. The Issei, 
who had been discriminated against the entire 
time they were in America, tended to see it as 
one more example of prejudice; their reaction 
to this, as to previous ostracism, was to re- 
trench into their Japanese cultural ethnic iden- 
tity. The Nisei, born in the United States and 
therefore U.S. citizens, tended to identify with 
American culture, but because of discrimina- 
tion depended upon the Issei and the ethnic 
Japanese community economically and socially. 

One subset of the Nisei, members of the Japa- 
nese American Citizens League (JACL) tried to 
prove loyalty by acquiescing to, and even 
abetting, the evacuation. In this way, they tried 
to exonerate the Japanese American commu- 
nity from irresponsible charges of subversion, 
but "more ominously, they cooperated with 
authorities as security watchdogs," even form- 
ing an "Anti-Axis Committee" that helped the 
FBI identify and locate potentially dangerous 
Issei (Hansen and Hacker 1974:125). 



67 



Once the evacuation was underway, JACL 
members volunteered to go early to camps to 
prove their superpatriotism. Because of their 
early arrival and eagerness to cooperate, they 
were rewarded with supervisory and white-collar 
jobs, given a voice in shaping policy, and even 
encouraged to influence other internees through 
control of relocation center newspapers, such as 
the Manzanar Free Press (Hansen and Hacker 
1974:128). 

Other Nisei saw their evacuation and confine- 
ment as repudiation of their attempts to 
Americanize themselves. In the face of this 
unjustified discrimination, they turned toward 
the Issei with new respect for, and understanding 
of, the Issei's cultural entrenchment. 

The tensions between the JACL and other 
Japanese Americans was exacerbated by difficul- 
ties arising from internment. The JACLers were 
seen as traitors, not only to Japanese ethnicity, 
but also to the Japanese American community 
they hoped to integrate with mainstream 
American culture. 

Stress within the Manzanar Relocation Center 
arose from fundamental issues such as the loss of 
income and property as a result of evacuation, 
the separation of Japanese aliens from their 
families, and the uncertainty about the future of 
Japanese Americans in the United States. This 
basic discontent, which underlay and under- 
scored problems of daily life in the relocation 
center, touched everything from the WRA 
administration to discrimination in jobs, food, 
and pay. These attitudes were summed up by 
one block manager, who charged then Director 
Nash and Assistant Director Campbell with a 
lack of interest in the Japanese Americans' 
welfare, manifest in ever-changing WRA policy, 
delays in wages and clothing allowances, and pay 
lower than the $54.00 per month promised. 
Other complaints concerned the overbearing 
attitude of Campbell, the discrimination between 
citizens and non-citizens, and the presence of 
administration informants (Block Manager's 



Daily Reports 1942). 

The evacuees did not regard the young JACL 
leaders, whom the administration relied upon, as 
representatives. Aliens were excluded from 
positions of importance in the relocation center 
administration, and thus from the best paying 
jobs. In fact, many of the later arrivals felt they 
were discriminated against in employment 
opportunities, complaining that by May all the 
good jobs had been taken and all that were left 
were mess hall and clean up jobs. 

Favoritism toward JACLers was even perceived 
in food distribution. For example, Block 1, 
where the Manzanar Free Press and other offices 
were located, reportedly had better food in their 
mess hall. Such discrepancies might seem 
unimportant if supplies were basically adequate, 
but there were shortages that shook the evacuees' 
confidence in the administration: meat was 
always in short supply and in August and 
September sugar shortages worsened. More 
damning, in October and November oil short- 
ages forced the closing of some kitchens (Block 
Manager's Daily Reports 1942). Further discrep- 
ancies in supplies fostered rumors of misappro- 
priation of food and suspicions that informers 
were operating within the center. 

Other incidents contributed to a lack of faith in 
the relocation center administration. For exam- 
ple, Tom Watanabe turned against the adminis- 
tration after the death of his wife and newborn 
twins in the Manzanar Hospital in August 
(Smith 1995:261-264; Tateishi 1984:95). 

In the months preceding the riot, public 
meetings turned into shouting sessions; there 
were beatings, and death threats against the pro- 
administration Nisei were common (Houston 
and Houston 1973:53). In June, John Sonoda, an 
Employment Division worker, was beaten by 
five men for showing favoritism to Nisei in 
hiring. Scavenger (recycling and garbage collec- 
tion) trucks with Kibei crews flying Black 
Dragon flags tried to stop work at the net 



68 



factory, threatened workers, and even attempted 
to run people over (Houston and Houston 
1973:155). An incendiary blaze was set Novem- 
ber 27 at the coop store (Block 21 Block 
Manager's Daily Report 1 1/28/42; Manzanar Free 
Press 12/9/42). Some saw the store as a symbol 
of JACL collusion. 

The WRA's attempt to establish self-government 
only aggravated the factiousness. The first block 
managers were appointed by the administration 
based on block residents' recommendations. 
Originally the' WRA required that block 
managers be U.S. citizens. In August, in many 
blocks, residents forced their appointed pro- 
administration block managers to "resign." In 
new elections Issei and Kibei were elected. For 
example in Block 4, the administration appointed 
block manager (Karl Yoneda) lost to an Issei 
who received 93 percent of the vote. 

Since JACLers were no longer "electable" as 
block managers, Frank Masuda and Mike 
Masaoka, both prominent in Japanese American 
Citizens League, formed the Manzanar Citizens 
Federation to work harmoniously with the 
administration and support JACL objectives. But 
with the widespread suspicions and mistrust of 
the administration, Masuda and Masaoka were 
accused of betraying fellow evacuees and curry- 
ing favor with the administration (Smith 
1995:261-264). 

Two other outspoken Japanese Americans that 
sided with the administration were Tokuttaro 
Slocum and Karl Yoneda. Slocum, who was 
raised by a Caucasian family, was a World War I 
U.S. Army veteran who had obtained American 
citizenship under a special act of Congress. His 
retort to those questioning his enthusiasm for 
incarceration was: "I'll tell you why I'm here, 
I'm here because my commander-in-chief, the 
President, ordered me here" (Hansen and Hacker 
1974:131). He headed the Manzanar Work 
Corps, and had helped the FBI locate dangerous 
Issei in Los Angeles before the evacuation. He 
also served as an FBI informant while in the 



relocation center. 

Karl Yoneda, married to a Caucasian women and 
seen by most Japanese Americans as very un- 
Japanese, was an avowed communist. He joined 
with the pro-administration faction over the 
question of Japanese Americans serving in the 
military, supporting the formation of a volunteer 
unit. 

For some, including the "Blood Brothers," "Black 
Dragons," and other gangs anti-administration 
feelings evolved into pro-Japan, pro-Axis political 
leanings. A Nisei, Joe Kurihara, became the most 
prominent spokesperson for the pro-Japan 
faction. Like Slocum, Kurihari was a World War 
I veteran (Houston and Houston 1973:54). 
However, after the government refused to make 
any exception to the evacuation for veterans who 
had already proved their loyalty by serving 
during World War I, he became embittered and 
vowed to become 100 percent Japanese. At 
Manzanar he organized the Manzanar Welfare 
Association to counter the Manzanar Citizens 
Federation. 

Other groups were only anti-administration 
rather than pro-Japan, such as the Mess Hall 
Workers' Union (Spicer et al. 1969:136). The 
union was organized by mess hall worker Harry 
Ueno in October 1942, when he decided that the 
JACL-supported Fair Practice Committee of the 
Work Corps would not fairly represent workers 
(Embrey et al. 1986:106). 

Ueno had been checking actual sugar deliveries 
against reported deliveries, and believed there 
were too many discrepancies to be written off to 
sloppy bookkeeping. Ueno publicly accused 
Assistant Director Campbell and Chief Steward 
Winchester of theft of meat and sugar for the 
black market. His charges were widely believed 
by residents and even the FBI gave them some 
credence, sending agents to question him about 
his complaints. Reportedly, soon afterward 
Campbell tried to get Ueno to leave Manzanar 
by promising him a good job with a millionaire 



69 



friend (Smith 1995:261-264). 

The immediate spark that touched off the 
Manzanar riot (or more appropriately the 
Manzanar revolt) was the arrest and removal 
from the relocation center of Harry Ueno on the 
suspicion of having taken part in a beating of 
Fred Tayama, a suspected informer. Many 
evacuees refused to believe Ueno was guilty, 
others felt that even if he were guilty he should 
not be punished for assaulting a known informer 
(Houston and Houston 1973:156), and practically 
all were against his removal from the relocation 
center for trial as they believed the matter should 
be handled within the center itself, as had all 
previous incidents. 

Tayama had owned a chain of restaurants in Los 
Angeles, and was unpopular with many residents 
of the community even before evacuation 
because he was believed to be an informer. On 
the evening of December 5, 1942, Tayama, who 
had just returned from a JACL national conven- 
tion at Salt Lake City, was assaulted in his 
Manzanar apartment by six masked men. He 
identified one of the men as Ueno, who was 
then arrested. Ueno was questioned by the 
internal police in the presence of Acting Director 
Campbell (Levine 1995:76-83). When Ueno could 
not establish an alibi, Campbell (in his authority 
as Acting Director) decided Ueno should face 
trial outside the relocation center and transported 
him to the Independence jail. Several other 
suspects were questioned that night, but only 
one was detained and he was kept in the reloca- 
tion center jail. 

At 10 a.m. the next day a meeting of about 200 
of Ueno's fellow Block 22 residents and a few 
Kitchen Workers' Union members met at the 
Block 22 mess hall to discuss a plan of action. A 
possible strike was mentioned, but any decision 
was put off until a meeting scheduled for 
1:00 p.m. Word of that meeting spread through- 
out the relocation center and over 2,000 evacuees 
showed up. The meeting was then moved from 
the mess hall to an adjoining fire break. 



Kurihara and others demanded the unconditional 
release of Ueno, and investigation of Manzanar 
conditions by the Spanish Consul, which was 
representing Japan in diplomatic actions and had 
inspected other relocation centers. Meeting 
participants also pressed for further action against 
suspected informers. A committee of five, 
including Kurihara, was appointed to negotiate 
with the Project Director. 

A detail of evacuee police had been sent to the 
meeting, but returned reporting that they were 
not wanted and had been asked to leave. 
Director Merritt and the Acting Chief of 
Internal Security then decided to attend the 
meeting and instructed Campbell to ask the 
Military Police company to stand by in case of 
trouble. Merritt reached the meeting just as it 
was breaking up, and was informed that the 
purpose of the meeting was to protest the arrest 
of Ueno and demand his release. 

The Committee of Five and Merritt went to the 
administration building, followed by a large 
group of evacuees. At the same time a dozen 
soldiers armed with submachine guns arrived and 
lined up between the police station and the 
administration building. The Committee of Five 
demanded the release of Ueno, but Merritt 
refused to negotiate with the crowd present and 
demanded that it disperse. When the Military 
Police commander heard the demands of the 
Committee, he sent for more soldiers; during 
most of this period there were about 30 soldiers 
present. 

The crowd sang patriotic Japanese songs, shouted 
banzai, taunted the soldiers, and even threw 
some sticks and stones at them. (Embrey et al. 
1986:59; Houston and Houston 1973:54-55). As 
a compromise measure, Merritt led the Commit- 
tee of Five away from the crowd and after some 
discussion arrived at an agreement. Ueno would 
be returned to Manzanar within an hour after 
the crowd dispersed, and would be tried in such 
manner as Merritt decided; the crowd would 
disperse immediately; there would be no more 



70 



mass meetings; the residents would make no 
attempt to release Ueno from jail; all future 
grievances would be taken up through recog- 
nized committees; and the Committee of Five 
would help find the assailants of the beaten man. 

Kurihara then addressed the crowd in Japanese to 
explain the terms of the agreement. The speech 
was received with considerable enthusiasm and 
applause. Merritt questioned the evacuee Chief of 
Internal Security concerning the speech, and he 
said it was "all right." It was discovered later, 
however, that this man knew very little Japanese 
and did not understand what had actually been 
said. As a matter of fact, Kurihara had spoken in 
a Hawaiian dialect that very few even in the 
crowd understood. Most only knew that they 
should disperse and regroup at Mess Hall 22 at 
6:00 p.m. (Weglyn 1976:133). The crowd 
dispersed, but not until all of the soldiers were 
first withdrawn to a road outside the relocation 
center. 

At 6:00 p.m. the crowd gathered in a firebreak 
just across from the hospital. A death list was 
drawn up, which included Tayama (the beating 
victim), JACL leaders, Manzanar Free Press staff, 
and members of the internal security police 
force. Other demands made included the removal 
of Campbell, Chief Steward Joe Winchester, and 
Public Works Chief Engineer Harvey Brown 
(Hansen and Hacker 1974:141). 

Several hundred men then went to the hospital 
to demand the surrender of Tayama, but he had 
hidden himself. Convinced that Tayama had 
been removed earlier, the mob then broke into 
smaller groups looking for Slocum, Tanaka, 
Yoneda, and others on their death list. Mean- 
while, a larger crowd converged on the police 
station to demand the release of Ueno. At this 
point the Military Police commander was 
requested to send in a military guard and to take 
responsibility for order in the center. Ueno 
shook hands with some of the crowd through 
the police station window and rebuffed their 
suggestions that he escape by climbing out the 



window (Levine 1995:79). 

For a short time after the arrival of the soldiers 
the crowd was quiet. The commanding officer 
talked to the Committee of Five in the police 
station, reminding them of their agreement made 
during the afternoon; then he addressed the 
crowd. Giving up hope of dispersing the crowd 
peacefully, he gave the order to throw tear gas 
grenades. The crowd scattered, but a strong wind 
minimized the effect of the gas, and in a few 
minutes the crowd came back. 

There are different accounts of what happened 
next, but several reports agree that someone 
started a truck toward the jail and the mounted 
machine guns of the Military Police and jumped 
out. An officer of the Military Police, unable to 
see that the car was driverless, opened fire with 
his machine gun. The soldiers took the shots for 
a signal to start firing, and some of them fired 
their shotguns into the crowd. When the smoke 
and dust cleared away, the injured were carried 
into the police station and taken by ambulance 
to the hospital. Ueno had jumped out the 
window to help carry the injured into the jail 
(Tateishi 1984:200; Embrey et al. 1986:58). A 17- 
year-old boy had been killed instantly. A 21- 
year-old man, shot through the stomach, died in 
the hospital several days later. Nine other 
evacuees were wounded, one evacuee was treated 
for exposure to tear gas, and a Military Police 
corporal was wounded by a ricocheting bullet. 

The Committee of Five was immediately 
arrested. Mess hall bells rang as the Military 
Police, augmented by local National Guard 
volunteers, patrolled the streets inside the center 
trying to restore order (Embrey et al. 1986:62; 
Houston and Houston 1973:55). Several times 
tear gas was used to break up crowds and 
impromptu meetings at mess halls (Tateishi 
1984:98; Weglyn 1976:124). 

During the night, gangs armed with knives and 
other weapons searched for individuals on the 
publicized death list. However, Japanese 



71 



Americans sympathetic to the JACLers had 
infiltrated the 6:00 p.m. meeting and the adminis- 
tration quickly removed the intended victims and 
their families. Sixty-five people (including 
Tayama and another badly beaten man) were 
rescued that night and housed in the military 
police compound (Smith 1995:261-264). Three 
days later they were transferred to a former 
CCC camp in Death Valley wherethey would 
live for the next 2Vi months. On February 15 
they were escorted to the train station at Las 
Vegas, bound for jobs on the east coast. 

According to newspaper reports, the next day 14 
Japanese American Boy Scouts stood off an 
angry mob of evacuees attempting to seize the 
American flag at the administration building 
(Associated Press, 12/10/42). A new Committee 
of Six was elected, but when they tried to meet 
with the Merritt they were promptly arrested. 
After the shooting, Ueno, the Committee of 
Five, and two others were taken to the Bishop 
city jail where they were kept under military 
guard until they were transferred to Lone Pine 
(Embrey et al. 1986:62, Appendix 20; Levine 
1995: 80). In all 15 "troublemakers" were 
removed from the relocation center and held in 
local jails (Weglyn 1976:125). In January they 
were sent to Department of Justice camps if they 
were Issei (aliens) or to a WRA isolation center 
at Moab if they were Nisei or Kibei (citizens). 

The breadth of the revolt is evident in that only 
two of the 16 arrested and removed from the 
relocation center were from the same residential 
block (Ueno and another were from Block 22). 
And, there was widespread support for the 
"troublemakers:" the Block 22 Manager noted 
(Block Manager's Daily Report 12/26/42) that he 
received many bags to be taken to those arrested, 
and another block manager (Block 25[?] Block 
Manager's Daily Report 12/29/42) related that 
$2.00 had been collected to buy items at the 
canteen for them. 

Most work in the relocation center stopped for 
several weeks (Garrett and Larson 1977: 132-133; 



Manzanar Free Press 3/20/43). Oil delivery and 
kitchen crews resumed work, but all other work 
was suspended by the administration until after 
Christmas, since evacuees refused to show up 
(Hansen and Mitson 1974:127). The camouflage 
net factory was never reopened. 

On December 29, there was a funeral for the 
two killed in the riot. It was held at Reynolds 
Ranch, 3 miles away, to forestall another riot or 
demonstration. The mess hall bells rang at 
2:00 p.m. in commemoration (Block Manager's 
Daily Reports January 1943). With the JACLers 
gone to Death Valley, the Issei assumed their 
traditional leadership role. "In response to their 
endangered ethnicity, they exhibited heightened 
ethnic consciousness and behavior" (Hansen and 
Hacker 1974:141). 



Photographing Manzanar 

Due in part to the efforts of Director Ralph 
Merritt, the Manzanar Relocation Center was 
one of the most photographed of the relocation 
centers. In addition to many newspaper and 
magazine photographers that visited Manzanar 
during its operation, famed photographers 
Dorothea Lange, Ansel Adams, and Toyo Mi- 
yatake all took numerous photographs at 
Manzanar. 

The WRA hired Dorothea Lange to document 
both the evacuation procedure and life in the 
relocation centers. Perhaps her earlier work 
documenting displaced farm families and 
migrant workers during the Great Depression 
had suggested that she might be adept and 
sympathetic in documenting the displaced 
Japanese Americans. However, outraged over 
the injustice taking place around her, she 
quickly found herself at odds with her employ- 
ers. As a result, many of her photographs were 
censored. In her photographs she attempted to 
juxtapose images of human courage and dignity 
with the physical evidence of the indignities of 
incarceration. Having visited all of the reloca- 
tion centers from their initial dusty beginnings, 



72 



it was not hard to invoke the harsh environ- 
ment, hard work, and drudgery of relocation 
center life (see Conrat and Conrat 1992). A large 
portion of Dorothea Lange's photographs are at 
the Library of Congress. 

Toyo Miyatake was a professional photographer 
living in Los Angeles when he and his family 
were forced to relocate to Manzanar. Using a 
lens and film holder he smuggled into camp, 
Miyatake built a box camera out of scrap wood 
and pipe. After about nine months his camera 
was discovered. Instead of having him arrested, 
Ralph Merritt allowed Miyatake to send for his 
photography equipment stored in Los Angeles. 
To bypass military regulations forbidding 
Japanese Americans to take photographs, Merritt 
assigned a Caucasian worker to release the 
shutter after Miyatake positioned his camera. 
After awhile even that facade was dropped. 
Miyatake's photographs capture much of the 
daily flavor and beauty of life at Manzanar. 
However, many of his candid views also reveal 
Manzanar as a place of incarceration. The 
watchtowers and barbed wire fence figure 
predominantly in many of his photographs. 
Toyo Miyatake's several thousand negatives 
taken during his time at Manzanar are preserved 
at his son Archie's photograph studio in San 
Gabriel, California. 

Ansel Adams first came to Manzanar to photo- 
graph Ralph Merritt son's wedding. Ralph 
Merritt Jr. was married on the patio of his 
father's home at Manzanar. Adams and Ralph 
Merritt Jr. were both were working at Yosemite 
National Park at that time and Adams knew 
Ralph Merritt Sr. through Sierra Club activities. 
According to Ralph Merritt Jr. (personal commu- 
nication, 1993), the wedding was postponed for 
a few hours when Adams ran off to take 
photographs of a fire at the mattress factory. 
Ralph Merritt Jr. later got a job at the relocation 
center. In the late summer of 1943 Adams was 
invited back by Merritt Sr. to photograph the 
relocation center (Adams 1985:257-258). Moved 
by the human story unfolding at Manzanar and 



wanting to make more of an effort in support of 
the war, Adams accepted the offer. The WRA 
provided food and lodging for Adams and his 
wife, but he received no pay for his work. To 
help cover his expenses, Adams sold photographs 
to the evacuees and staff {Manzanar Free Press 
2/2/44). 

WRA regulations forbade depictions of the guard 
towers and barbed wire, leading Adams to 
emphasize positive views of relocation center life 
(Spaulding 1995:201-206). To stress the loyalty of 
the Japanese Americans in his photographs, 
Adams chose to show work activities. His many 
portraits depict people who looked friendly, 
honest, strong, and confident; a view at odds 
with the racial stereotypes of the time. Adams 
prepared an exhibit at Manzanar and another for 
the Museum of Modern Art in New York City 
(Adams 1985:263; Manzanar Free Press 1/26/44). 
In 1944 he published "Born Free and Equal," a 
photographic essay of life at Manzanar. "Born 
Free and Equal" sold at the Manzanar coop for 
$1.00, but outside the center many copies were 
burned to protest Adams's sympathetic treatment 
of the Japanese Americans. Adams did not renew 
the copyright on his book and donated the 
negatives to the Library of Congress in the hope 
that one day the work would be viewed more 
objectively (Armor and Wright 1988:xviii). As an 
aside, Ansel Adams made two of his more 
famous photographs while staying at Manzanar: 
Mount Williamson, the Sierra Nevada, from 
Manzanar and Winter Sunrise, the Sierra Nevada, 
from Lone Pine. 



Life in Manzanar 

Following the Manzanar Riot, most shortages 
were alleviated. Evacuees settled into routines 
governed more by mess hall schedules than 
normal family life (Figure 4.24). Evacuee ac- 
counts depict life at Manzanar as constrained: 

It was hot! Manzanar's weather was 110 degrees. 
The dusty barracks stood frying like brown 
pancakes in the shimmery heat. Now and then a 
truck roared by. A soft peal of a saxophone playing 



73 



"Idaho" came from a distance. Plunk, plunk of the 
"Go" rock on the board could be heard as two men 
carefully laid down that previous price. Occasion- 
ally one of them drew his tired hand across his 
perspiring forehead. Then he automatically reached 
for a rosy-colored glass perched on the steps. He 
raised the sparkling liquid to his dry lips and 
murmured: "Too bad they don't sell beer here." He 
leaned back in his chair and carelessly threw the 
rest away. 

The girl reading quietly on the shady side of the 
grass turned when she heard the splash of water. 
Her brows drew together and she glared at him as 
if to say that he had disturbed her peace. 

The mail boy threw up a cloud of dust as he 
shuffled along. He was hot and tired. Here, at last, 
was his last barrack and his last mail for the day. 

Suddenly a sound could be heard. The mess hall 
bells were ringing. The girl gathered up her books 
and hurried into the house. 

Town Scene, Anonymous {Manzanar Free 
Press 3/20/43). 

Manzanar life is easy but it isn't living ... Life out 
here isn't easy but it's life in America! 

Shizuo Hori, in a letter to friends at 
Manzanar after relocating to Chicago 
{Manzanar Free Press 3/20/43). 



Joaquin Valley, 
Hawaii. 



Washington, Oregon, and 




Figure 4.24. Manzanar in winter (Ansel Adams 
Photograph, Library of Congress). 



Manzanar reached its peak population of 10,121 
inmates in December 1942 (Myer 1971: Appendix 
F; Figure 4.25). Two-thirds of Manzanar's 
residents were U.S. citizens, one-half were 
women, and one-quarter were school-age 
children. Most came from Los Angeles and San 
Fernando Valley, but others were from the San 



During the relocation center's operation 549 
were born and 138 died. The number of births 
per month rose the first 9 to 12 months after the 
evacuees arrived and then tapered off as young 
couples found work outside the center. After an 
initial rise, the number of deaths per month 
stayed roughly the same, in spite of decreasing 
population, because the elderly would not (or 
could not) not leave the center (Figure 4.26). 

Manzanar's population varied in response to 
temporary furloughs, permanent relocations, and 
involuntary transfers (Figure 4.27). Temporary 
leave or furloughs were granted to alleviate 
manpower shortages caused by the war; labor 
was needed to save the harvest in western states 
{Inyo Independent 11/5/42). In the fall of 1942, 
over 1,200 Manzanar men were recruited to 
harvest sugar beets and potatoes in Idaho and 
Montana {Manzanar Free Press 9/25/42). They 
returned in November and December {Manzanar 
Free Press 11/14/42, 11/21/42). In 1943 and 1944, 
about 500 men left to harvest crops in Idaho, 
Montana, Colorado, and other states {Manzanar 
Free Press 5/12/43, 9/15/43, 12/9/44). 

Evacuees could get out of Manzanar permanently 
on "indefinite leave" by joining the military, 
attending college, or getting a job outside the 
West Coast exclusion area. The latter two routes 
required a sponsor. In early 1944 the Manzanar 
Free Press (2/12/44) reported that 1,168 had 
relocated; by the end of March 1944, 1,317 had 
relocated {Manzanar Free Press 3/29/44). Only 42 
(2 percent of those eligible at Manzanar) volun- 
teered for military service (Hansen 1995:vi). 

Some evacuees were involuntarily transferred 
from Manzanar early on: 15 were moved to the 
WRA's Moab isolation center, and 65 were 
moved to Death Valley due to the Manzanar 
Riot. Another 10 "troublemakers" identified by 
an informant were sent to Moab on February 24, 
1943 (Drinnon 1987:103). Over 20 women and 



74 



12000 



11000 



Fall harvest 



12/6/42 Manzanar Riot 



Fall harvest 



Disloyals to Tule Lake 



Fall harvest 




"igure 4.25. Manzanar Relocation Center population 1942-1945 
(compiled from WRA records, Manzanar Free Press, and other 
sources). 



children were transferred to the Department of 
Justice Crystal City Internment Camp in Texas 
to be with their husbands and fathers {Manzanar 
Free Press 6/5/43). 

In early 1943, all of the evacuees at Manzanar 
from Washington State were moved to the Mini- 
doka Relocation Center in Idaho (Progress 
Report 2/24/43). This transfer was made at their 
own request, not only because they wanted to be 
a little closer to home, but also because they 
were always at odds with their Terminal Island 
neighbors (Sue Embrey, Personal Communica- 
tion, 1993). 

The largest impact on Manzanar's population 



was an unexpected result of the WRA's goal to 
find places for Japanese Americans to work and 
settle away from the West Coast. To streamline 
the process, every adult internee was given a 
questionnaire entitled "Application for Indefinite 
Leave Clearance" whether or not they were 
attempting to leave. 

As discussed elsewhere (Chapter 3, above), those 
who answered "no" to the loyalty questions were 
considered "disloyals." In response to public and 
congressional criticism, the WRA decided to 
segregate the "disloyals" from the "loyals." 
Disloyals were to be sent to the relocation center 
at Tule Lake, which already housed the highest 
number of disloyals, by October 23, 1943 {Man 



75 



Births 







I I I I I I I I I I I I I I II f I II I I I II I I ! ! I II I I I I I I I I I I I I 

4/42 1/43 1/44 1/45 1/46 



.Figure 4.26. Recorded births and deaths at Manzanar Relocation 
Center (compiled from WRA records, Manzanar Free Press, and 
other sources). 



zanar Free Press 8/1/43). However, the segrega- 
tion was delayed until additional housing was 
completed at Tule Lake. Beginning February 20, 
1,850 Manzanar residents were transferred to 
Tule Lake in groups of 500 {Manzanar Free Press 
1/29/44). By June 1944, 12 percent of the Tule 
Lake population consisted of people originally 
interned at Manzanar. 

After these transfers and relocations, the popula- 
tion of Manzanar stabilized at a little over 5,000. 
Many of those remaining preferred to wait out 
the war in California, closer to their former 
homes rather then relocate to the Midwest or 
East Coast. 



Internal Security 

The problem of keeping the law-abiding Japanese 
American citizens and immigrants inside the 
relocation center were undoubtedly minimal 
compared to the problems of keeping order 
within the compound itself, where 10,000 people 
from various walks of life were thrown together 
in cramped quarters with little privacy. 

Organized in April 1942, the internal police 
force was made up of 115 evacuees and a 
Caucasian Police Chief. The police carried billy 
clubs and the chief carried a hand gun. The 
Police Department was reorganized in early 1943 
into a smaller force consisting of around 35 men 
and a female secretary (Figure 4.28). 



76 




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IJOBM vWf-- -U ! .U. Ciif. Utflk FaatMMI «o liUh, UUIm., Montana. V«*fc UakoU, WMtunctun. 



Figure 4.27. Advertisement in Manzanar Free Press (3/20/43). 

77 




Figure 4.28. Manzanar internal police force (WRA photograph, National Archives). 



The first police station was located in Apartment 
1 of Building 1 of Block 7. It was later moved to 
a newly constructed building at the relocation 
center entrance. In July an iron jail cell, on loan 
from Inyo County, was added (Progress Report 
7/20/42). In 1942 and 1943 old Civilian Conser- 
vation Corps (CCC) trucks were used to patrol 
the center, but by the end of 1944 they were 
replaced by sedans (Gilkey 1945). Additionally, 
four horses, stabled at Reynolds Ranch on 
George Creek, were used to patrol a picnic area 
south of the relocation center (Manzanar Free 
Press 9/10/43). 



Crimes ranged from fishing without a permit and 
petty theft, to attempted rape, and a murder- 
suicide that left two children orphaned. The 
crime rate at Manzanar was no higher than that 
of an average small American city (Myer 
1971:37), in spite of the fact that in addition to 
state and federal laws there were 35 potential 
offenses specific to Manzanar and punishable by 
disciplinary action of the Project Director. Arrest 
warrants were to be issued only by the Project 
Director. Most cases were heard by a Judicial 
Commission composed of three evacuees and 
three members of the Caucasian staff. Only 



78 




Figure 4.29. People walking, firebreaks on either 
(Ansel Adams Photograph, Library of Congress). 



major crimes were referred to courts outside the 
relocation center (Armor and Wright 1988:117). 



Fire Protection 

The Fire Station, staffed 24 hours a day by 
three shifts, was located in a specially con- 
structed building on the east side of Block 13. 
Equipment included a hose truck and two 
modern fire trucks equipped with a pumper 
capable of throwing 500 gallons of water a 
minute (Manzanar Free Press 9/10/43). 

Each block had an organized fire brigade and 
fire marshals were in charge of four blocks 
each. Barracks had fire extinguishers and every 
four blocks had a centrally located fire alarm 
telephone. The hospital wards had an auto- 
matic sprinkler system for extra protection. 

Because a fire in any of the closely spaced and 
highly flammable buildings could threaten the 
entire camp, fire breaks were designated be- 
tween every two blocks. These were left 
undeveloped, or used for victory gardens or 
athletic fields (Figure 4.29). 

The Fire Department fought both structural 
and brush fires. The largest brush fire, likely 
caused by careless picnickers, consumed 1,500 
acres one mile southwest of the relocation 
center (Progress Report 3/30/43). The fire 



si 



de 



threatened the Reynolds Ranch, but quick 
action by the Fire Department and 400 
volunteers (including evacuees, staff, and 
Military Police) saved the ranch. The largest 
structural fire started on the south end of 
Warehouse 34 and destroyed three warehouses 
(Manzanar Free Press 8/2/44). 



Internal Government 

The residential block was the central unit of 
daily life for the Manzanar evacuees. WRA 
policy promoted evacuee self-government, 
following a charter drafted by a committee 
of WRA-appointees. However, the Manzanar 
charter was never approved by the general 
evacuee population. Opposition centered on the 
way the committee members were appointed (17 
Nisei selected by the relocation center adminis- 
tration), and because the charter was seen to 
foster discrimination between citizens and non- 
citizens. So at Manzanar, each block had an 
elected block manager who had legislative as well 
as administrative functions. 

Originally the block manager had to be a U.S. 
citizen to hold office. The first block managers 
at Manzanar were appointed by the administra- 
tion based on block residents' recommendations. 
The first truly democratic election of block 
managers took place in four blocks in late June 
1942 (Armor and Wright 1988:116). Initially, all 
persons over 16 years of age could vote, but later 
the age minimum was raised to 18. At Manzanar 
the U.S. citizenship requirement was generally 
disregarded as it became increasingly clear that 
most Nisei could not win a free election. In 1943 
the requirement that block managers be citizens 
was dropped at all of the relocation centers 
(Myer 1971:38-40). 

The Block Manager's duties included dealing 
with the administration, funneling evacuee 
complaints and disseminating information to the 
block residents. All meetings and paperwork had 
to be in English so the administration could 
monitor what was said. The Block Manager also 



79 



supervised grounds and building maintenance, 
and assured the daily needs of the block residents 
were met. Items distributed by the Block 
Manager included light globes, soap (laundry, 
facial, and hand), toilet paper, cots, blankets, 
fuses, brooms, mops, rakes, shovels, and lawn 
seed (Block Manager Daily Reports 1942-1945). 



Medical Care 

The first hospital at Manzanar consisted of a 
portion of Building 2 in Block 1. It had five 
beds and no toilet, washing facilities, or steriliz- 
ing equipment. In March 1941 the hospital was 
moved to its own barracks in Block 7. By 
April three more barracks in Block 7 were 
appropriated for hospital use (Little 1945) and 
there were two outhouses (Ishimaru 1987:55). 
The U.S. Army Quartermaster Corps furnished 
supplies and equipment. 

In July, 42 patients were transferred to a newly 
completed 250-bed hospital located in the 
northwest corner of the relocation center. The 
new hospital included 17 buildings: an adminis- 
tration building, two staff apartment buildings 
(one for nurses and one for doctors), seven 
wards, two warehouses, a mess hall, a laundry, 
a heating plant, and a morgue. Covered and 
enclosed walks with linoleum-covered wood 
floors connected each of the buildings. Follow- 
ing the construction of the hospital, an apart- 
ment building for Caucasian staff was built 
south of the hospital in a firebreak. 

The hospital administration building housed 
offices, medical, dental, and optometry clinics, 
a pharmacy, a x-ray room, and an operating 
room. Ward 1 was for female patients, Ward 2 
was for male patients, Ward 3 was for women's 
TB cases, Ward 4 was for men's TB cases, 
Ward 5 was used for classrooms and a labora- 
tory, Ward 6 was for children, and Ward 7 was 
an isolation ward for patients with contagious 
diseases. 

Each of the staff apartment buildings had its 



own hot water heater and shower stalls and the 
Caucasian staff apartment building had a 
bathtub. The four general wards, the isolation 
ward, and the mess hall also had their own hot 
water heaters. The laundry had bins for soiled 
linen, a 300-gallon-capacity hot water heater, two 
washers, two tumblers, two extractors, four roll- 
flat ironers, ironing boards, and storage shelves. 
The heating plant had a bathroom, two feed 
pumps, a 10,000-gallon-capacity surge tank, two 
6,000 gallon oil storage tanks, and three 74 
horsepower boilers (Fixed Asset Inventory, 
11/15/45). The morgue was capable of handling 
four bodies at a time, but embalming was done 
in nearby towns. 

In addition, a barracks across the street from the 
hospital was used as a hostel for aged and infirm 
ambulatory cases. The hostel, with a capacity of 
34, had a men's and a women's side. Residential 
blocks 28, 29, 33, and 34 were under the jurisdic- 
tion of the hospital and barracks were assigned 
to those who needed to be close to the hospital 
for medical needs [Manzanar Free Press 6/16/42) 

The first Caucasian doctor and nurses arrived in 
October, 1942. The hospital staff grew to include 
a Caucasian Chief of Staff, six evacuee doctors, 
20 nurses (both evacuee and Caucasian), two x- 
ray technicians, five dentists, a dental technician, 
and an optometrist (Armor and Wright 1988: 
105). The evacuee staff, which included graduates 
from USC, Rush Medical School, and John 
Hopkins, were all paid $19 a month. The 
Caucasian staff were paid a normal "outside" 
salary. One of the dentists, a Japanese American 
from Salt Lake City, had voluntarily come to 
Manzanar because he felt that Manzanar would 
be a safer place for his family to live [Manzanar 
Free Press 9/17/42). 

The 250-bed hospital was never more than 50 
percent occupied (Armor and Wright 1988:89). 
Health records indicate that, in spite of adverse 
conditions, Manzanar suffered no more sickness 
and disease than a comparable normal commu- 
nity of similar size with only a few exceptions 



80 



(Little 1945). The rates of syphilis and gonorrhea 
were very low, tuberculosis (TB) was relatively 
high as was the number of ulcers. The low rate 
of venereal disease was credited to the high 
moral standards of the Japanese Americans and 
the ulcers to the constant stress of everyday life 
at Manzanar. The high TB rate was attributed to 
its occurrence among elderly people with 
dormant cases aggravated by the forced evacua- 
tion and camp conditions (White 1945). How- 
ever, recorded TB deaths included several people 
in their 20s. One of the most common recurring 
health problems was the outbreak of food 
poisonings at the mess halls. But, even these 
became less common as conditions improved 
(White 1945). 



Cemetery 

A cemetery for the relocation center was lo- 
cated on the western perimeter of the reloca- 
tion center, just outside the fenced central area. 
A commemorative monument was built in the 
cemetery by 60 members of the Buddhist 
Young People's organization and Block 9 
residents, under the supervision of Ryozo 
Kado. It was completed in August 1943 (Figure 
4.30). WRA blueprints indicate the cemetery 
was subdivided into six equal-sized units of 
approximately 1/2 acre. Apparently only one 
of these units was used. 

Over 135 people died at Manzanar during 
operation of the relocation center. However, 
only 28 of these were buried in the relocation 
center cemetery; the others were shipped 
elsewhere for burial. All of the Manzanar 
burials were cremations. The bodies were sent 
to local funeral homes for cremation and 
returned to the relocation center for funeral 
services and burial. The first burial in the 
relocation center cemetery was on May 10, 
1942 (Figure 4.31). After the relocation center 
closed, all but six of the burials were moved to 
other cemeteries and the remaining plots were 
fenced (Merritt, memorandum dated 1/7/46). 




Figure 4.30. Monument in cemetery (Ansel 
Adams Photograph, Library of Congress). 




Figure 4.31. First grave, Manzanar Cemetery 
(from Spicer et al. 1969:206). 



Religion 

There were three churches at Manzanar: one 
Catholic, one Buddhist, and one Protestant. 
Catholic and Protestant congregations first met 
on March 29, 1942, the second Sunday after the 
first volunteers arrived at Manzanar. Shintoism 
was banned by the WRA administration, but 
within 3 months a Buddhist Church was in 
operation. The administration's attempt to 
discourage religions seen as too-Japanese back- 
fired: Buddhist church attendance soared, with 
higher proportions of Japanese Americans 
attending services in the relocation centers than 
in the cities prior to the evacuation (Okihiro 
1984). At Manzanar, Buddhist church attendance 
averaged 2,000 a week, nearly as many as the 
Protestant and Catholic churches combined 
(Manzanar Free Press 3/20/43). 



81 



Recreation 

The WRA established a Recreation Department 
at Manzanar in the hopes of building morale. 
The Department sponsored athletics, entertain- 
ment, arts and crafts, libraries, boy and girl scout 
troops, and a nursery school (Manzanar Free Press 
3/20/43). 

Major developed areas included a picnic area and 
golf course at Bairs Creek, several other picnic 
areas, a sports complex in the firebreak between 
Blocks 8 and 14, and an outdoor theater (Figure 
4.32). In addition, there were two football fields 
and several softball diamonds in other firebreaks. 
By the summer of 1943 a baseball diamond with 
a backstop, announcer's stand, and bleachers was 
constructed in the firebreak between Blocks 19 
and 25. Nearly every residential block had its 
own volleyball court, a majority had basketball 
courts (Figure 4.33), and some had playground 
equipment. 

The sports complex in the firebreak between 
Blocks 8 and 14 included three basketball courts, 
five volleyball courts, and four tennis courts. 
The basketball and tennis courts were surfaced 
with clay obtained from deposits along the 
Owens River (Nielsen and Fox 1945). Construc- 
tion of the golf course was begun in August 1942 
under the direction of Mrs. Kay Morimoto, a 
medalist and finalist in many national golf 
tournaments (Manzanar Free Press 8/17/42). The 
9-hole course had narrow fairways and the greens 
were made of oiled sand (Nielsen and Fox 1945). 
Baseball was by far the most popular team sport 
at Manzanar. Manzanar boasted three hardball 
teams, 12 men's softball leagues (with over 100 
teams), and three women's softball leagues (14 
teams). There were also three track teams, 14 
women's volleyball teams, and seven women's 
basketball teams. Other sports included boxing, 
wrestling, judo, and kendo. The judo hall, begun 
in June 1942 in a barracks apartment, was later 
relocated to its own building with showers and 
twice expanded (Nielsen and Fox 1945). For 
Kendo, a traditional Japanese martial art, a raised 
wooden platform 35 ft by 60 ft with a dressing 



room at one end was built in the spring of 1943. 
After the "disloyals" were segregated to Tule 
Lake in 1944, interest in Kendo died off. 

The first outdoor theater at Manzanar was 
located in the southwest corner of the relocation 
center. Grading was completed in July (Progress 
Report 7/24/42) and it was officially dedicated in 
the fall of 1942. It had a 40 ft by 60 ft stage and 
benches for 2,000 people. Materials were paid for 
by profits from the Manzanar Cooperative. The 
theater was only used twice, once for its dedica- 
tion and once for an address by WRA Director 
Dillon Myer to high school students. Most 
considered it too far away to be convenient and 
a more centrally-located temporary stage was 
used instead. 

A second outdoor theater built was used mostly 
for movies sponsored by the Manzanar Coopera- 
tive. It consisted of a 20 ft by 30 ft stage set 
against the recreation barracks in Block 16. The 
stage faced towards temporary seating in an 
empty firebreak. 

The Recreation Department also sponsored a 
Toy Loan Library, started to remedy a shortage 
of toys for young children. The toys were 
purchased by the residents, partly with money 
received as Christmas gifts in 1943 from national 
church groups. In the wartime economy, few 
types of toys were available. Most toys on the 
market were war toys, not particularly appealing 
to the evacuee children. It was impossible to get 
enough dolls or trains, but there were ample 
games and puzzles (Carter 1943). 

The Bairs Creek Picnic Area was located in the 
southwest corner of the relocation center. When 
the camp boundary, as defined by the sentry 
patrol line, was moved south 100 yards in the 
spring of 1942, a stretch of Bairs Creek was 
incorporated within the camp area. After 
assurances that the creek area would remain open 
to the evacuees, the evacuees started construction 
of a picnic area. The picnic area had walkways, 
bridges, and open-air fireplaces, and became so 



82 




JM Basketball Court 



^ Volleyball Court 
Y* Tennis Court 



nil n ip 

o u ■ II li 

£ Baseball Field 

Golf Green 
I/Of Playground Equipment 



- „.&pr\ 

~&~ Park 
IBIBI Grill or Oven 
■ Trash Can Rack 



"igure 4.32. Recreational and other facilities at Manzanar Relocation Center (complied from WRA 
maps, Block Manager's Daily Reports, and other sources). 



83 




Figure 4.33. Basketball court (WRA photograph, National Archives). 



popular that a permit system had to be started to 
limit use. 

Rose Park was located in the firebreak between 
Blocks 33 and 23. It was begun in the fall of 
1942 with domestic rose buds grafted to native 
root stock. Eventually, it included over 100 
species of flowers, two small lakes, a waterfall, a 
bridge, a Japanese tea house, a dutch oven, and 
pine trees. Construction was under the supervi- 
sion of Tak Muto. One of the lakes was report- 
edly located over a natural spring that was 
covered over when the relocation center was 
constructed {Manzanar Free Press 11/28/42). The 
park was renamed Pleasure Park and later 
Merritt Park in honor of the camp director. 

Cherry Park was located south of the Children's 
Village. It was begun when a nursery wholesaler 
offered to donate 1,000 cherry and wisteria trees 
to Manzanar if they were used in one area as a 
park. Holes were dug at the park for swimming 
pools, but due to water shortages and LADWP 
concerns over contamination to the Los Angeles 
Aqueduct, they were instead seeded with grass. 

North of the residential area, but still within the 
fenced relocation center boundary, North Park 
was located in an area where a farmhouse once 
stood (Nielsen and Fox 1945). Two rock fire- 



places for picnics were constructed in the grove 
of large cottonwoods that remained from the 
farm. 

Two parks were located outside the fenced area 
of the relocation center. As restrictions on the 
Japanese Americans were relaxed and they were 
allowed to leave the relocation center in the 
daytime, two new picnic areas were developed 
1/2 mile and 1 mile south of the relocation 
center. Both had large trees and one was crossed 
by George Creek. The "South Parks" opened in 
early 1943 under a permit system, and were 
patrolled by mounted police to enforce regula- 
tions {Manzanar Free Press 9/10/43). 

Groups were also eventually allowed to make 
day and overnight trips into the mountains, first 
only under Caucasian escort and later on their 
own (Houston and Houston 1973:77). It was on 
one of these outings that the only "unauthorized 
departure" from Manzanar occurred. On August 
2, 1945, Giichi Natsumura (age 47) got separated 
from his group on a sketching and painting 
excursion on 11,000-ft-high Mount Williamson 
and died of exposure. His body was found in a 
sheltered area on September 3 by local residents 
on a fishing trip {Manzanar Free Press 9/8/45). 
The discoverers led a group of Japanese Ameri- 
cans back to the site a few days later so they 



84 




Figure 4.34. Evacuee mess hall (WRA photograph, National Archives). 



could remove a lock of hair and some finger nail 
clippings for a memorial service (Mary De- 
Decker, personal communication, 1995). 



Meals 

With over 1,500 workers, the mess halls were 
the single largest employer at Manzanar (Levine 
1995:76). An average of 26,000 meals were served 
each day, prepared in 34 kitchens (Merritt notes, 
BLM Bakersfield District files) 1 . Food was 
purchased through the U.S. Army Quartermaster 
Corps and later supplemented by produce and 
livestock raised on evacuee-run farms. Shortages 
arose early since the Army was not accustomed 
to supplying the needs of families, babies, and 
the Japanese diet (Figure 4.34). 

The cost per person for meals varied from 26 to 
34 cents per day (Merritt notes, BLM Bakersfield 
District files). Wartime rationing was strictly 
observed. To combat coddling charges, WRA 
news releases commonly reported that there were 



Three evacuee mess hall buildings were used for other 
functions: the Block 14 mess hall was used as a hostel, the 
Block 16 mess hall was used as an assembly hall, and the 
Block 18 mess hall was used as a Buddhist Church. 



"no steaks, eggs, or butter at relocation centers" 
(e.g. Fresno Bee 1/31/43). 

All of the mess halls were under the direction of 
a single Caucasian steward. The cooking and 
other functions were done by an evacuee kitchen 
crew under the direction of an evacuee chef. 
According to Spicer et al. (1969:109-111), good 
chefs were in great demand and some assumed 
dictatorial powers over their block residents: any 
objections were simply overcome by the chef 
threatening to quit. 



Education 

The WCCA made no provisions for schools. 
At first there were three serious problems 
facing the establishment of schools in the 
relocation centers: there were no buildings, no 
personnel, and no supplies or textbooks. The 
first school was begun by the evacuees them- 
selves in the corner of a barracks {Manzanar 
Free Press 3/20/43). Later, the WRA recruited 
Caucasian teachers. The evacuees were only to 
serve as assistants, but because of teacher short- 
ages they occasionally assumed full teacher 
responsibilities (Armor and Wright 1988:107- 
113). 



85 




Figure 4.35. High School Recess Period (Ansel 
Adams Photograph, Library of Congress). 

Eventually Manzanar's schools were accredited 
by the State of California. At its peak over 1,300 
were enrolled in elementary school, over 1,400 
were enrolled in high school, and over 2,000 
took adult education classes. Vocational, English 
language, and "Americanization" classes were the 
most popular adult classes (Merritt notes, BLM 
Bakersfield District file). 



By 1944 permanent placements outside the 
relocation center had caused enrollment to drop: 
1,195 were in elementary school, 970 in high 
school, and 1,005 in adult education classes 
(Merritt notes, BLM Bakersfield District file). 



Post Office and Bank 

The Manzanar branch post office was estab- 
lished April 1, 1942 with six employees (Man- 
zanar Free Press 3/20/43; Figure 4.36). On a 
daily basis the post office handled an average of 
1,500 letters, 350 parcels, 10 registered letters, 
and $500 worth of money orders. 

After a couple of false starts, the Bank of 
America opened a branch office at Manzanar in 
July 1942. The bank was located in Apartment 
4 of Barracks 8, Block 21 (Manzanar Free Press 
6/18/42, 7/9/42). 



The High School incorporated all of Block 7, 
plus the mess hall, ironing room, and barracks 15 
of Block 2 (Merritt Scrapbook Jan-Aug. 1944, 
UCLA Special Collections; Figure 4.35). The 
first high school graduation was on March 7, 
1943, in the Block 1 Mess Hall. Block 16 was 
used for elementary schools and a Community 
Center. 

As at any typical American school, the Manzanar 
schools had their own youth groups, clubs, 
athletic program, sport teams, and cheerleaders. 
But, on only one occasion were the teams 
allowed to play another school. In October 1944 
the Manzanar high school football team beat Big 
Pine high school team 33-0 and the junior high 
team won 26-0 (Valediction 1945) in games 
played at Manzanar. After the loses, the Bishop 
school board, afraid of community agitation, 
cancelled their scheduled game against Manzanar, 
despite protests by Bishop students (Manzanar 
Free Press 2/3/45). 




Figure 4.36. Manzanar Post Office (WRA 
photograph, National Archives). 



86 




Figure 4.37. Barracks gardens and landscaping (WRA photograph, National Archives). 



Victory Gardens 

The August 4, 1942, issue of the Manzanar Free 
Press reported flourishing victory gardens within 
the relocation center. Some had been started 
before June 1942 (Block Manager's Daily Reports 
1942). Mr. Ushijima, a resident of Block 24, had 
several vegetable patches in the firebreak south 
of Block 17 (an area noted for its black soil). 
Soon the firebreak was completely filled with 
small gardens. A dense thicket of wild rose was 
removed and planted elsewhere by rose expert 
Mr. Kuichiro Nishi who purchased cultivated 
roses to bud on the wild root stock. Some of the 
roses were left in neat rows (Nielsen and Fox 
1945). The firebreak was divided off into individ- 
ual plots 10 ft by 50 ft and 30 ft by 50 ft in size. 
Water for irrigation was obtained from a fire 
hydrant. Over 120 families worked these plots 
paying membership dues {Manzanar Free Press 
10/25/44); six other tracts within the relocation 
center were worked on a community basis. 



Ornamental Gardens and Landscaping 

Soon after their arrival the evacuees planted trees 
and grass. By July over 100 lawns had been 
started with seeds obtained through mail order 
or from the WRA (Progress Report 7/23/42; 
Figure 4.37). 

William Katuski, a former Bel Air landscaper, is 
credited with starting the first ornamental garden 
at Manzanar. His garden, in front of his home 
between Buildings 5 and 6 in Block 24, had four 
small lakes with miniature bridges and three 
large Joshua trees (Figure 4.38). He also planted 
six smaller Joshua trees off the west side of 
Building 5. He began in April 1942, first carrying 
rocks in from around the relocation center by 
hand and then by wheelbarrow. The Joshua trees 
were obtained from Death Valley, 65 miles away 
{Manzanar Free Press 6/30/42). 

Joshua trees were also planted in an upraised 
rock-walled traffic circle constructed by the 
evacuees in the administration area (Figure 4.39), 
and numerous cactus plants were planted along 



87 




Figure 4.38. William Katuski's garden (Building 5, Block 24) in 1942 
(WRA photograph, UCLA Special Collections). 




Figure 4.39. Traffic circle in administration area (WRA photograph, 
UCLA Special Collections). 



the entrance road. However, plans for a waterfall 
and pond in front of the administration building 
were upset — the area was needed for a new 
wing of the administration building instead. The 
partially dug pond was refilled and rock garden 
specialist Ryozo Kado said he would "start all 
over" at an approved site in the new hospital 
area (Manzanar Free Press 7/1/42). Muto finished 
a rock garden next to his residence in Block 15 
by the end of July (Block 15 Block Manager's 



Daily Report 7/31/42) and would later supervise 
the construction of one of the largest parks at 
the relocation center (Rose Park). 

By August there were 155 lawns between 
barracks, a half dozen fish ponds with carp, and 
several rock gardens. The only lawn mower 
available in Lone Pine was purchased for center 
use (Manzanar Free Press 8/5/42). One of the 
barracks rock gardens, next to 15-8, was built by 



88 




Figure 4.40. Portion of Block 15 garden complex (WRA photograph, 
UCLA Special Collections). 



Tak Muto, who would later design Rose Park. 

The first community or "block" pond was begun 
in Block 22 by Harry Ueno, a kitchen worker, 
who wanted to provide a pleasant setting for 
those standing in line at the mess hall. In July, 
Akira Nishi, a former nursery owner, offered to 
help with the design of the pond which Ueno 
had begun on his own. According to Ueno, he 
could get a permit for only three sacks of 
cement. Knowing this was not enough, he 
instructed the person picking up the cement to 
not turn over the permit. Eventually 23 bags of 
cement were acquired with the same permit to 
finish the pond (Emery et al. 1986:29; Titus 
1983). Indeed, the Block 22 Block Manager's 
daily reports, which were supposed to report all 
supply acquisitions, lists only three sacks of 
cement for the month of July (Block Manager's 
Daily Reports July 1942). Two more sacks of 
cement are listed in the daily reports for August 
8; it seems likely these were used to finish the 
pond's bridge, which is inscribed "Aug. 9, 42." 

Other kitchen crews soon followed Ueno's 
example (Figure 4.40). On August 5, the Block 6 



kitchen crew started work on a rock garden and 
pond between its mess hall and Building 14. Also 
in August, the Block 34 Block Manager reported 
that "The men in our block are hard at work on 
building a fish pond and garden in front of the 
mess hall. Mr. Kubota, Mr. Kayahara, and Mr. 
Murakomi are more or less supervising the 
project." 

On August 12, 1942, the Manzanar Free Press 
reported: 

Fish ponds have been constructed in many blocks. 
One of the most beautiful is found at Block 15 ... 
Roy Suguwara, former gardener, and Keichiro, 
former flower grower, designed and constructed the 
pond. The Public Works Division, however, 
discourages the building of more ponds because of 
a cement shortage. 

That same day the Block Manager's daily report 
for Block 24 noted that "Mr. Harvey Brown [of 
the WRA staff] mentioned 700 sacks of cement 
stolen by residents ... [I] can not believe this to 
be true, ... told him he should check incoming 
articles to see if correct amounts are being 
delivered" (Block 24 Block Manager's Daily 
Report 8/12/42). 



89 



Manzanar Children's Village 
by Wither Sato 2 

The Children's Village at Manzanar was estab- 
lished primarily because of the Army's insis : 
tence that children of Japanese ancestry not be 
excluded from the evacuation order even if 
they lived in orphanages or with Caucasian 
parents. Social welfare agency representatives 
concurred, in part, because they felt that the 
three Japanese American orphanages in Califor- 
nia could not be sustained. First, they could 
not continue to exist because the army insisted 
that there would be no exemption from evacu- 
ation for the Japanese American staff. They 
were aware, also, that financial contributions 
could not continue because heads of household 
and community leaders were interned, bank 
accounts were frozen, curfew was imposed, 
people lost jobs and businesses suffered from all 
of the above reasons, as well as racial hysteria. 
They also felt that the children would be 
victims of discrimination if left behind and 
would also feel isolated, abandoned and 
estranged from the only community they had 
ever known. 

Though this rationale may be applicable to the 
children in the Japanese American orphanages, 
it did not address the plight of children who 
lived with Indian tribes in Alaska or in multi- 
racial orphanages or children receiving care by 
Caucasian foster parents. Indeed, the evacua- 
tion orders destroyed the support system for 
these children. 

After several meetings, Manzanar was agreed 
upon as the site of the Children's Village, and 
on April 26, 1942, a meeting was held at 
Manzanar to finalize plans. The barracks 
provided for the evacuees were deemed unsuit- 
able for young children: floors were rough, and 
there was no insulation or plumbing. There- 
fore, for the Children's Village, three new 
one-story buildings with running water, baths, 



"Wilber Sato is a former Manzanar internee. 



and toilets were constructed. 

One building contained an office, superinten- 
dent's apartment, a recreation room, a kitchen, 
and a dining room (Figure 4.41). Another was 
divided into three wards: a nursery, a small 
children's dormitory, and a girl's dormitory. The 
third building was also partitioned to form three 
sections: a dormitory for small boys, another for 
older boys, and a storeroom. Each dormitory 
also contained a small area furnished with a table 
and chairs to provide some relief for the older 
children from the noise and bustle of the 
younger children. 

The Children's Village buildings were completed 
in June 1942 and the children were brought by 
bus from the Los Angeles Maryknoll Home, the 
Japanese American Children's Home, and from 
other orphanages and foster homes on June 23. 
The children from the San Francisco Salvation 
Army Home followed a week later. The first 
contingent consisted of 61 children, but 101 
children would eventually be housed at the 
Children's Village . 

The effect of the incarceration in a prison camp, 
the lack of a parental support system, and the 
effect of the institutionalization, isolation, 
alienation, insecurity and stress on the lives of 
these children are unknown. One story is related 
in H. E. Whitney's 1947 University of California 
master's thesis, Care of Homeless Children of 
Japanese Ancestry. She tells the story of a child 
raised by Caucasian foster parents since early 
infancy. The child was ordered to Manzanar in 
June, 1942, when he was six years old. The 
family made every effort to have the child 
returned but were refused. Finally, after the 
December 1944 Supreme Court decision in Endo, 
declaring that the War Relocation Authority had 
no right to detain or restrain the movement of 
loyal citizens, the boy was returned to his foster 
parents in August, 1945. The Army's refusal now 
seems cruel or at the very least insensitive, since 
the Army had the power to grant exemptions 
from the exclusionary orders. 



90 



R o 



Office/ 




2 






3 




Living 
Quarters 












Social 
Hall 


o 
a) 

< 


Girls 




o 
< 


Boys 


Kitchen 


c 
3 
a 
-j 






c 
i 
o 

_) 




Mess Hall 




Nursery 








Laundry 


\ / 




\_ 


/ 


• 


v J 








( 


5 a r d e n 










Area 


1 


'eahousf 
Gazebo] 


i 


Fence 







Front Porch 



Manzanar 
Children's Village 

- Not To Scale - 
3 Building number 

1\ 



Back Porch 



Basketball 
Court 



Orchard 



figure 4. 41. Layout of Manzanar Children's Village (redrawn from original by Vance 
No be, California State University, Fullerton, 2/27/93). 



We now know that many exemptions were 
granted for people in sanatoria and hospitals. 
Their fate and their stories have only recently 
come to light in poignant memoirs. WRA 
statistics revealed in H. E. Whitney's study 
indicate that 209 "homeless or otherwise" 
children were left behind in sanatoria, mental 
hospitals, penal institutions, general hospitals and 
orphanages. Whitney comments, "It is unfortu- 
nate that we cannot know more of these 
children who were not sent to Children's 
Village, but a study of those who did enter that 
institution may give us a fairly complete picture 
of the background and future of many." 

In this regard, it is instructive to note that of the 



101 children, disposition at or before closing of 
the Village was as follows: 48 were returned to 
parents or relatives; 17 were relocated or placed 
in wage homes; four were adopted; four were 
placed in hospitals; 26 were returned to counties 
of origin for further disposition; and two were 
placed directly in foster homes. The children 
originally came from Alaska, Washington, 
Oregon and California, but were dispersed to the 
following states: California, Oregon, Alaska, 
Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Michigan, Nebraska, 
Nevada, New Hampshire, Utah and Wisconsin. 
It is well known that the WRA wanted to scatter 
Japanese Americans to solve the racial problems 
of the country. But this policy also meant the 
demise of culture and community, and promoted 



91 



isolation, and the loss of pride and self-respect. It 
is not known whether this program of dispersal 
was operative in the placement of children of the 
Children's Village, nor do we know the effect of 
the dispersal on individual children. 

To provide for the nurturing and protection of 
its children is one of the most important respon- 
sibilities of any society. The military and the 
WRA ordered homeless children into the 
Manzanar Children's Village, transported them 
hundreds of miles, provided medical treatment, 
housing, food, clothing, supervision, custody in 
the penal sense, and in many cases acted as 
adoption agency. All of these acts were done 
without consultation or permission from the 
child's parent or guardian. Indeed, many of the 
children had no guardian appointed to protect 
their rights or interests. In the cases where 
children were wards of the Juvenile Courts, the 
geographic distance prevented the exercise of 
protective rights. 

Although it was the general belief of the welfare 
community that the children were the wards of 
the federal government, the WRA's attitude was 
reflected in their official policy that denied any 
legal responsibility for the children. The WRA 
declared that it acted only as a boarding home 
for the children. It is understandable, then, that 
the WRA was negligent in locating and reuniting 
surviving parents with their children; that they 
kept inadequate records; failed to provide the 
case work counseling for the protection of the 
children and that all of these circumstances 
contributed to inordinate costs and delays in 
placing the children. 

Of the 101 children of the Children's Village, 
half were orphans. Fifty percent were under 
seven years of age. Twenty-nine percent were 
under four years of age. There were 54 boys and 
46 girls and one child of undetermined sex 
because of inadequate records. Fourteen children 
were of mixed race. Peak population of the 
Children's Village was 67 in July of 1943. Forty- 
three children were discharged in June, July, and 



August 1945, at the time of the closure of the 
Children's Village. The Children's Village was in 
existence for 39 months and many of the 
children suffered institutionalization not only for 
that period but for much of their childhoods. 



Manzanar Cooperative Enterprise, Inc. 

Basic supplies needed for daily living, from 
toothbrushes and razors to shoestrings and 
thread, were not supplied by the administration. 
By the end of March 1942, the WCCA opened 
a small store with a very limited stock. Several 
Nisei, who had been successful merchants before 
the evacuation, formed the Manzanar Coopera- 
tive. Every adult could join, at a cost of a $5.00 
contribution toward the working capital of the 
coop. From these humble beginnings, by the 
summer of 1944 the coop had grown to a $1- 
million-per-year enterprise (Armor and Wright 
1988:100; Figure 4.42). 

The first coop enterprise was a canteen and 
general store that replaced the WCCA-run store. 
In May grocery and household items were 
moved to a general store in Block 21. A fish 
market was established, since the mess halls did 
not serve enough fish to satisfy Japanese 
American tastes. Originally the fish, with a high 
mark up due to spoilage during shipment to 
Manzanar, was sold in the canteen. Fish sales 
were moved to a nearby laundry room because 
of the smell. 

Eventually, the coop also ran two gift shops, a 
beauty parlor, a barber shop, a dressmaking 
shop, a shoe repair shop, a watch repair shop, a 
mail order counter, a sporting goods store, and 
a laundry (Wenter and Fox 1945). Flowers were 
in such high demand that a flower shop was 
started. Since cut flowers were not available for 
sale, artificial flowers (chiefly paper) were sold 
and even rented. A photography studio operated 
from April 1943 to September 1945. The coop 
also sponsored outdoor movies paid for out of 
the general operating fund. All coop business 
paid rent to the government for use of govern- 



92 



ment buildings (Armor and Wright 1988:97-101). 

Management of the Manzanar Free Press, a 
newspaper written and edited by the evacuees, 
was also assumed by the coop. The newspaper 
office was housed in Building 1 of Block 1, the 
first building constructed at the relocation center. 
Begun by a group of ex-newspapermen (Armor 
and Wright 1988:121), the newspaper's first issue 
consisted of four mimeographed pages published 
on April 11, 1942. By July, the newspaper was 
printed and distributed three times a week. The 
printing, done "by Chalfant Press in Lone Pine, 
was paid for by national advertising {Inyo 
Independent 7/24/42). Originally only in English, 
after the second year the WRA allowed a 
mimeographed Japanese-language insert. The 
administration had the power to censor, but very 
little censorship was needed (Armor and Wright 
1988:133). 



Agriculture 

Agricultural endeavors at Manzanar included 
both farming and animal husbandry. It was the 
WRA's policy that each relocation center be as 
self-sufficient as possible, producing and storing 
its own food. Non-food crops were also raised, 
including medicinal herbs that were in short 
supply because of the war, and guayule, the 
first crop planted. 



Guayule Project 

Some Manzanar evacuees conducted experi- 
ments on extracting rubber, needed for the war 
effort, from guayule (Parthenium argentiatum), 
a small woody shrub native to the southwest- 
ern United States. The project was supported 
by the California Institute of Technology. 

In early April 1942, waste cuttings and seed- 
lings arrived from Salinas nurseries (Manzanar 
Free Press 3/20/43; Time 5/18/42). A 104 ft by 
280 ft lath house and propagating beds were 
built in the southwest corner of relocation 
center adjacent to Block 6. A laboratory was 



set up in the Block 6 ironing room, and the 
guayule project office was established in the 
Block 35 ironing room. Field plots were located 
in various areas. 

The project was under the direction of Dr. 
Kenzie Nozaki, with Walter Watanabe in charge 
of nursery propagation, and Masuo Kudani, 
geneticist, in charge of breeding and flower 
biology. Chemist Shinpei Nishimura developed 
the method of extracting the rubber (Nomura 
1979). However, these efforts were eclipsed by 
other technology, as synthetic rubber produced 
from petroleum soon became readily available. 



Farming 

On April 15, 1942, the first evacuee crew was 
sent outside the relocation center to clear brush 
for farming. A 120 acre field south of the 
relocation center was cleared, eight miles of old 
ditch were reconditioned, two miles of new 
canal were dug, and on May 16 planting was 
begun, with over 20 varieties of crops grown 
the first season (Figures 4.43 and 4.44). Twelve 
mules that understood only commands in 
Japanese were brought in to work the fields 
(Manzanar Free Press 6/6/42). However, with 
only one plow available the evacuees had to 
work in three shifts (Armor and Wright 1988: 
92) until a tractor could be rented. 

The farm field was soon overrun with jack- 
rabbits destroying beans, radishes, and other 
vegetables. Two rabbit drives were conducted 
over the summer. Over 1,000 residents partici- 
pated in the first rabbit drive, killing 250 
rabbits (Progress Report 7/21/42). In addition, 
several hundred more rabbits were shot over 
the summer (Quarterly Progress Report 
9/30/42). The rabbit problem was finally 
solved with the purchase of five greyhounds 
and afghans. 

In June, 100 agricultural workers quit because 
of the requirement that they be escorted by 
Caucasian supervisory escorts, whom they 



93 






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Figure 4.42. Coop Enterprises at Manzanar Relocation Center; 1. check cashing and money orders, 
2. canteen, 3. fish market, 4. gift shop, 5. watch repair, laundry, mail order, 6. gift shop, 7. flower shop 
and sporting goods store, 8. beauty parlor, 9. barber shop, 10. general store, 11. outdoor movies, 
12. dressmaking shop, 13. photography studio, 14-15. warehouses, 16. Manzanar Free Press (complied 
from Wenter and Fox 1945). 



94 



considered unqualified and a waste of money. 
The administration soon approved farm work 
outside the relocation center without escort, and 
in the fall replaced the Caucasian foremen with 
evacuee foremen. 

Over 700 tons of vegetables, with an estimated 
value of $43,500.00, were harvested the first year 
(Manzanar Free Press 3/20/43; Table 4.3). In 
addition, 600 apple and 400 pear trees, previously 
neglected, yielded $2,000 worth of fruit (Second 
Quarterly Report 9/30/42; Figure 4.45). All 
produce was consumed at the relocation center 
except for three carloads of Swiss chard and two 
carloads of watermelons sent to other centers. 
The surplus watermelons were traded to the Tule 
Lake Relocation center for cabbage, turnips, and 
spinach {Manzanar Free Press 9/17/42). 

In 1943 the WRA initiated condemnation 
procedures, and the court set water rates favor- 
able enough to expand irrigation farming. An 
additional 170 acres south of the relocation 
center and 150 acres to the north were cleared 
for farming, and a new system of lined ditches 
and pipelines was constructed (Progress Report 
4/30/43; Figures 4.46 and 4.47). Dams were built 
on Shepherd and George Creeks and two bridges 
were built on a farm road over the North and 
South Fork of Shepherd Creek (McConnell and 
Hill 1946). 

Wells were needed to supplement runoff, because 
the snowpack melted too fast. For example, only 
half of the water needed for the north 150 acres 
was available as runoff (Progress Report 
9/30/43). Three LADWP wells were used for 
irrigation, Numbers 76, 92, and 95. Another well 
(Number 99) was also prepared for use but could 
not be employed due to a cracked casing. 

During the course of the farming operation over 
30 crops were grown (Merritt notes, BLM 
Bakersfield District files). Vegetables and grains 
included bell pepper, chili pepper, hot chili, 
tomato, cucumber, winter squash, egg plant, 
turnip, gobo, onion, carrot, Chinese daikon, 



radish, takana, potato, sweet potato, Swiss chard, 
cabbage, spinach, lettuce, watermelon, canta- 
loupe, honey dew melon, corn, goma (sesame), 
soy bean, green bean, and mungo bean (Figure 
4.48). The least successful included mungo bean, 
soy bean, and head lettuce; the low humidity of 
the Owens Valley was blamed for the poor 
production (Project Report November 1943). 

In addition to the guayule rubber project, several 
other plants were cultivated to help offset war- 
related shortages. Under the auspices of the State 
of California Drug and Oil Plant Project 50,000 
pyrethrum plants (used in insecticides), and 
modest amounts of coriander, lavender, camphor, 
thyme, coriander, and guar were grown (Merritt 
1946). 

No crops were planted in 1945, and most major 
equipment was turned over to Property Control 
on April 7, 1945 (McConnell and Hill 1946). The 
final inventories recorded four track-laying 
tractors and 20 wheeled tractors (all second 
hand), and 22 miles of lined ditches and pipelines 
constructed (Engineering Folder memo 2/17/44; 
Figures 4.49 and 4.50). Because many of the 
improvements were constructed of cheap 
wartime materials that required a lot of mainte- 
nance, it was suggested that the irrigation system 
would be of little or no value within three years 
(Manzanar Fixed Assets Inventory 11/15/45). 



Manzanar 
tion. 


Rel 


Table 4.3. 
ocation Center Farm 


Produc- 






1942 




1943 


1944 


acres planted 
tons produced 
used at Manzanar 


120 
717 
89% 




440 
1,666 
95% 


310 

1,490 

94% 



95 




Figure 4.43. Preparing fields for planting (WRA photograph, UCLA 
Special Collections). 



■^i'MMM;'SSMMiiM-'SMr: 



: : 




Figure 4.44. South farm field (WRA photograph, UCLA Special 
Collections). 



Chicken Ranch 

The evacuee-constructed Chicken Ranch was 
begun August 8, 1943, and completed December 
31, 1943. Records indicate there were between 20 
to 28 men on the Chicken Ranch payroll 
(McConnell and Hill 1946). Structures at the 
Chicken Ranch included a combination office, 
egg and feed storage, and slaughter house (with 



a butane-fired scalding kettle), 48 hen houses, 16 
brooder houses, and an incinerator. 

Each brooder house had a kerosene-burning 
heater which could accommodate 500 hatchlings. 
Each hen house, 20 ft by 24 ft in size with a 20 
ft by 24 ft outside "run," held 175 birds. The 
concrete foundations of these buildings projected 
6 inches above the floor at the walls for flood 
protection. 



96 




Figure 4.45. Warning sign in orchard (WRA photograph, UCLA 
Special Collections). 



In August 1943, 12,000 unsexed day-old chicks 
were purchased to stock the Chicken Ranch. 
Half of the feed needed was acquired from other 
relocation centers. The first harvest (2,077 
chickens) was served for New Year's Dinner. In 
April 8,000 more chicks were bought and by 
June 5,000 more chickens had been eaten (Man- 
zanar Free Press Dec 22, 1944 (McConnell and 
Hill 1946; Table 4.4). In anticipation of the 
relocation center's closing, all meat birds were 
slaughtered by the end of 1944; layers were kept 
until November 1945. 



Hog Farm 

Clearance from LADWP for a hog farm was 
obtained on August 31, 1943 and construction 
began the next day (Manzanar Free Press 
9/4/43). LADWP had been concerned that the 
daily washing of the hog pens would contami- 
nate the aqueduct, so the hog farm was located 
1 mile south of the relocation center in an area 
approved by LADWP. The farm was to be 
solely a feeder project, with no breeding al- 
lowed due to LADWP opposition. 

Six pens, with concrete floors on one side for 
feeding, were finished December 10, 1943, but 
the entire project was not completed until 



April 30, 1944. Farrowing pens and houses were 
built as a unit with a capacity of 500 hogs. 
Eventually, there was also a 20 ft by 80 ft feed 
storage building with a concrete floor and 6-inch- 
high curb. Water for the hog farm was piped in 
from George Creek. 

In October the first hogs, purchased from 
Gardnerville, Nevada, arrived {Manzanar 
Free Press 10/23/43; Progress Report 7/30/43). 
The hogs were fed the relocation center's edible 
garbage, which previously had been sold to a 
local hog farmer under a 60-day contract (Prog- 
ress Report 1/30/43). Over 2,000 hogs were 
raised over the course of the project (Table 4.5). 
Hogs left at the close of the relocation center 
were sold to local farmers in November 1945. 



Table 4.4. 
Relocation Center Chicken and Egg Produc- 
tion. 

Number of Eggs Number Slaughtered 



1943 
1944 
1945 



unknown 
53,420 
60,435 



2,077 
6,881 





97 




98 



RESTRICTED 






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Figure 4.47. 1944 aerial photograph of Manzanar Relocation Center showing farm fields north and 
south of the relocation center (north to top; courtesy of LADWP Bishop Office) 



Cattle Ranch 

In December 1943, 199 cows were purchased to 
start a meat herd, no dairying was attempted. 
Ninety-five more cows were purchased in March, 
and in 1944 76 calves were raised. The cattle 
grazing area was located along George Creek. 



The high cost of feed prohibited maintaining the 
herd in peak slaughtering condition, so the entire 
project was disbanded in December 1944 (Mc- 
Connell and Hill 1946). 



99 




Figure 4.48. Potato field (Ansel Adams Photograph, 
Library of Congress). 




Figure 4.49. Benji Iguchi, on tractor in field (Ansel 
Adams Photograph, Library of Congress). 



Table 4.5. 
Relocation Center Hog Production. 



Year 


Number Purch; 


ised 


Ni 


jmber Slaughtered 


1943 


300 











1944 


1,484 








1,217 


1945 


536 








849 


totals 


2,320 








2,066 



Industry 

The primary work at Manzanar was to be 
industrial rather than agricultural. However, 
complaints from labor unions over unfair 
competition (e.g. LA Times 8/13/43) soon 
forced the WRA to limit industrial production 



to items slated for internal use. Given the wages 
paid the evacuees, it is no wonder labor unions 
feared unfair competition: $12 per month for 
unskilled labor, $16 a month for skilled labor, 
and $19 a month for professional and administra- 
tive work. 

The chief industrial projects at Manzanar 
included a garment factory, a mattress factory, a 
food processing unit, and a short-lived camou- 
flage net factory. Other smaller scale industries 
included a furniture shop, an alterations shop, a 
typewriter repair shop, a sign shop, and a 
domestic sewing machine repair shop. In 1943 
alone, industry at Manzanar produced goods 
that, if purchased wholesale, would have cost 
$166,276.00 (Merntt notes, BLM Bakersfield 
District files). The Industrial Unit was disbanded 
in the summer of 1944 due to personnel short- 
ages caused by the rapid rate of departures (Sand- 
ridge and Sisler 1946b). 



Garment Factory 

The garment factory was the first industrial 
project to get underway at Manzanar. Started 
on May 23, 1942, in the Block 2 ironing room 
by 10 women with a borrowed portable sewing 
machine, the garment factory was to make 
clothing needed at Manzanar and other reloca- 
tion centers {Manzanar Free Press 11/10/43). 

By January 1943, the garment factory was 
relocated to Warehouses 30 and 31, and 38 
industrial machines replaced borrowed domestic 
machines {Manzanar Free Press 3/20/43). Eventu- 
ally the garment factory employed an average of 
65 people. Chief products were work clothes, 
hospital uniforms, aprons, towels, dust masks, 
shirts, pants, blouses, and coats. Over the course 
of its operation the garment factory produced 
over 52,000 items (Figure 4.51). The clothing was 
issued through the relocation center or sold 
through Manzanar coop; some items were sent to 
the Topaz and Tule Lake relocation centers 
(Progress Report 7/30/43; Semi-Annual Report 
12/31/44). 



100 




Figure 4.51. Garment worker Mary Nagao, former Los Angeles 
housewife (National Archives). 




Figure 4.52. Making camouflage nets (WRA photograph, National 
Archives). 



Camouflage Net Factory 

The Camouflage Net Factory was run by the 
Southern California Glass Company under 
contract with the U.S. Army Corps of Engi- 
neers. The Army chose to run the net factory 
under private contract to circumvent the low 
wages that were required in WRA-sponsored 
work. Since net production was considered 
essential war work, higher salaries (but still lower 
than comparable "outside" wages) were deemed 



necessary to insure production. Even so, the 
managing company made exorbitant profits, a 
fact the embarrassed company attributed to the 
military (Russell 1993:70-73). 

The camouflage net factory included three 300 ft 
by 24 ft by 18 ft tall buildings for net garnishing 
(Figure 4.52), a 24 ft by 100 ft enclosed shed 
with an attached 60 ft by 100 ft open shed for 
net cutting, and a 150 ft by 24 ft shed for 



102 



storage. Two of the net garnishing buildings had 
12 ft by 20 ft additions. Net production began in 
June 1942 (Manzanar Free Press 6/11/42). The 
factory employed up to 1,000 evacuees and 
produced 2,000 to 10,000 nets a month (Armor 
and Wright 1988:117). Only U.S. citizens could 
be hired for this war-related work. 

The net factory was a major source of conflict 
within the relocation center, because of the wage 
discrepancy and the hiring discrimination against 
non-citizens, and because many thought such 
direct support of the war effort was inappropri- 
ate for those adversely affected by wartime 
hysteria. The conflict was one of the contribut- 
ing factors in the December 1942 Manzanar Riot, 
after which the net factory was permanently 
closed (Third Quarterly Report 12/31/42). 



Mattress Factory 

The eastern-most building of the camouflage 
net factory complex (the 24 ft by 150 ft storage 
shed) was remodeled by the WRA for use as a 
mattress factory. The factory was destroyed by 
a fire in 1943 (P. Merritt, Jr., personal commu- 
nication, 1993). During its operation the fac- 
tory employed a crew of 19, and produced 
4,020 mattresses (Sandridge and Sisler 1946b). 



Food Processing Unit 

The food processing unit, which made all of 
the Japanese food consumed at Manzanar, 
included a shoyu factory, a bean spout plant, a 
tofu plant, a food storage and dehydration 
unit, a pickling plant, a miso factory, and an 
apiary. 

The shoyu factory was set up in the Block 1 
laundry and ironing rooms, and was ready for 
production by mid-October 1942 {Manzanar 
Free Press 10/15/42). An addition was built to 
connect the two buildings and the women's 
bathroom was converted to a laundry (half of 
Block 1 was offices and the other half was 
mostly occupied by single men) [Manzanar Free 



Press 9/21/42). Between 2,000 and 5,000 gallons 
of soy sauce was produced a month {Manzanar 
Free Press 3/20/43). 

The bean spout plant, begun in late October 
1942, produced 1,600 pounds a week (Quarterly 
Report 12/31/42). The tofu plant was started in 
March 1943 to help alleviate the shortage of 
meat. The first tofu was served in the mess halls 
on August 12 (Block 30 Block Manager's Daily 
Report 8/12/43). 

In 1943 the vegetable storage and dehydration 
unit dehydrated 25 tons of vegetables and stored 
386 tons for winter use. The pickling plant 
pickled 54 tons in 1943. 

Only by chance, did the food processing unit 
include an apiary. In the fall of 1942 a swarm of 
wild bees was caught by an ex-beekeeper. The 
beekeeper was then added to the food processing 
unit, with pay. In February, 25 hives were set 
out {Manzanar Free Press 11/10/43). These grew 
to 50 hives. The first harvest yielded 170 gallons 
of honey, which was distributed to the mess 
halls. 



Closing Manzanar 

With the lifting of the West Coast exclusion 
order in December 1944, the evacuees began to 
leave Manzanar in large numbers. The WRA 
scheduled Manzanar to close by the end of 
November 1945, by which time all evacuees 
would be forced to leave. The Industrial 
Division had already been disbanded due to a 
lack of manpower, no crops were planted after 
January 1, and the relocation center newspaper 
was down to five staff members. 

The Children's Village was scheduled to close 
by the end of the 1944-1945 school year. The 
children's case histories were forwarded to 
State Welfare Departments on the west coast, 
who then assumed responsibility for their 
placement. The Nisei couple who had run the 



103 




Figure 4.53. Abandoned barracks at Manzanar Relocation Center (courtesy of Los Angeles Times) 



village for most of the internment had already 
left for New York in the fall of 1944 (Semi- 
Annual Report 6/30/45). 

Mess Halls 5 and 30 were closed in May {Man- 
zanar Free Press 5/9/45), Building 15 in Block 35 
was torn down for use as crating (Manzanar Free 
Press 7/21/45), and the Coop was set to close by 
September 15 (Manzanar Free Press 8/11/45). The 
barracks were evacuated block by block, accord- 
ing to a closure schedule drawn up by the 
relocation center administration. People in 
blocks scheduled for closing who did not leave 
the relocation center by the designated time were 
moved to other blocks. Blocks 35 and 36 were 
closed August 18, Blocks 31 and 26 were closed 
August 25, and Blocks 33 and 28 were closed 
September 1 (Manzanar Free Press 7/18/45, 
7/25/45, 8/1/45). By mid October, with the 
closure of Blocks 25 and 30, only 1,926 people 
were left in the relocation center (Figure 4.53). 

On October 19, the last issue of the Manzanar 
Free Press, now only an 8 V2 -inch-by- 1 1-inch 
mimeographed sheet, reported that five bus loads 
of Terminal Islanders (251 people) were depart- 



ing for Long Beach. Some residents, rather than 
take the WRA-provided bus to Los Angeles, 
purchased cars in Lone Pine for the journey 
home (Houston and Houston 1973:108-109). 
Manzanar was the sixth relocation center to 
close. On November 21, nine days ahead of 
schedule, the last evacuee left Manzanar. The San 
Francisco Chronicle (11/22/45) marked the 
occasion with an article reporting that Manzanar 
closed yesterday "marking the rehabilitation of 
8,065 persons who spent the war years there." 
On June 28, 1946, Manzanar's records were 
transferred to federal depositories and the 
General Land Office was made the designated 
agency for the disposal of Manzanar. 
From the beginning, the Manzanar staff and 
some of the evacuees were hopeful that perma- 
nent buildings could be erected and the facility 
converted to a veterans' hospital after the war. 
This, it was thought, would "prevent this boom 
town from falling into the decay of another 
ghost town when it is all over" (Baxter 1942). 
The Manzanar Free Press (7/1/44, 8/16/44) 
championed the drive to convert Manzanar to a 
veterans' rehabilitation center, and the idea was 
supported by Mount Whitney VFW Post 265. 



104 




Figure 4.54. Relocation Center Auditorium, ca. 1945 (Toyo Miyatake 
photograph®, courtesy of Archie Miyatake). 




Figure 4.55. Relocation Center Auditorium, ca. 1952 (Toyo Miyatake photograph®, 
courtesy of Archie Miyatake). 



The Veterans Administration had indicated it 
would be considered in the near future. 

An editorial in the Owens Valley Progress Citizen 
(11/9/45) recommended Manzanar be used to 
alleviate the valley's housing shortage, and noted 



that the area could well use the hospital. The Los 
Angeles County Board of Supervisors proposed 
that the State of California buy the relocation 
center to house the "2,000 sick and indigent 
Japanese who are expected in Los Angeles 
shortly" [Manzanar Free Press 7/28/45), perhaps 



105 




Figure 4.56. Hauling materials from Manzanar (courtesy of Los Angeles Times). 



referring, ironically, to those evacuees who 
would not be able to start over after the finan- 
cially devastating forced-evacuation and intern- 
ment. 

In the end none of these grand schemes material- 
ized, beyond using the administration and staff 
housing area for a few years for veterans' 
housing and the auditorium as a social hall. In 
1946 the Los Angeles Times (12/2/46) reported 30 
families were living in the staff quarters and that 
35 more families would soon follow. 



LADWP records on file in Bishop, California, 
indicate that buildings remaining in the southeast 
corner of the relocation center (the administra- 
tion and staff housing areas) were used for a 
Veterans Housing Project. Records show 126 
veterans and other people living there in August, 
1948. But the veterans resided at Manzanar for 
only a couple of years. The 1951 LADWP 
records indicate looting of these buildings, 
suggesting they had been abandoned by that time 
(Wehrey 1993). 



106 




Figure 4.57. Demolition in progress (courtesy of Los Angeles Times). 



Inyo County purchased the relocation audito 
rium for $6,500 shortly after the center closed 
and leased it to the Independence Veterans of 
Foreign Wars in about 1946. The auditorium was 
used by them as a meeting hall and community 
theater until November 5, 1951 (Wehrey 1993; 
Figure 4.54 and 4.55). 

Salvage of the relocation center's buildings and 
materials was administered by the War Assets 
Administration. Between November 15 and 27, 
1946, veterans could buy a dismantled barracks 
for $333.13. Fifty-two barracks were bought by 
Bishop residents, 32 by Lone Pine residents, 27 
by Inyokern residents, 20 by Ridgecrest resi- 
dents, 12 by Bridgeport residents, and 12 by Los 
Angeles residents. A veteran from Norwalk 
bought a hospital ward. Many of these buildings 
can still be identified in the local area (Eastern 
California Museum files). 



On December 2, 1946, except for a few buildings 
in the administration and staff housing area, 
Manzanar was completely dismantled (Figures 
4.56 and 4.57). School property was transferred 
to the Carson City, Nevada, Indian Agency and 
a Navy base at Inyokern. About $14,000 worth 
of equipment was given to the newly organized 
Northern Inyo Hospital at Bishop. The Birming- 
ham Veterans hospital in Van Nuys received 
huge quantities of lumber, plumbing, and 
medical supplies. Plumbing and lumber were also 
sent to a veterans hospital at Sawtelle. Much of 
the remaining salvaged material went to Federal 
Public Housing Administration projects in 
Southern California, Utah, and Arizona. 

Manzanar was abandoned once more. "Pleasure 
Park was overrun with weeds and the once- 
verdant nursery was being returned to the 
desert" {LA Times 12/2/46). 



107 




108 



Chapter 5 

Manzanar From the Inside 

Roy Nash 




Roy Nash was the first director of the Manza- 
nar Relocation Center under the War 
Relocation Authority. He wrote "Manzanar 
From the Inside" in July 1942 for an address given 
in San Francisco to the Commonwealth Club of 
California, a non-profit public affairs forum 
founded in 1903. The concluding section "Manza- 
nar Tour" was written in mid-1944 by either 
Director Ralph P. Merritt or a member of his staff. 
Generally factual, these accounts provide insight 
into how the WRA wanted Manzanar to be seen by 
the general public. For a view of Manzanar from 
the internee's perspective see Jeanne Wakatsuki 
Houston and James D. Houston's "Farewell to 
Manzanar. " 

Fellow Members of the Commonwealth Club, in 
a recent broadcast from Manila, three American 
internees told how well they are being treated 
there. In signing off, the announcer said: "What 
a contrast to the barbarities being inflicted upon 
the Japanese in California!" 

The war is world-wide and our treatment of the 
Japanese in California has world-wide signifi- 
cance. "It is a token of our good faith; it is a 
crucial test of the validity of our war objectives." 
So I welcome this opportunity to interpret the 
actuality of a War Relocation Center housing 
10,000 evacuees, all of who are free to listen over 
the radio to what I shall have to say. 



On March first, Mount Williamson looked down 
upon sagebrush and the abandoned apple 
orchards of Manzanar. By June first there had 
come into being a city of ten thousand people, a 
stranger boom town than ever sprang up along 
the Mother Lode in '49. A phenomenon unique 
in American history. A camp upon which 
impinged the barbed shafts of bigotry and 
qualified Christianity; yet a camp in itself 
industrious, creative, and even understanding of 
the military necessity in which it had been sired 
(Figure 5.1). 




Figure 5.1. Welcome to Manzanar (Ansel Adams 
photograph, Library of Congress). 

I propose swiftly to outline some things which 
the eye sees at Manzanar, and then characterize 
important unseen values involved in the picture. 



109 



Housing 

There is nothing beautiful about Manzanar 
except its background of the Sierra Nevada. 
The sun rising out of Death Valley looks down 
upon a square mile of barracks arranged in 
nine great wards separated by wide fire breaks, 
each made up of four identical blocks. In each 
block, sixteen identical buildings 20 by 100 
feet, of the simplest board and tar paper con- 
struction; what the Army calls the 'Theater of 
Operations type. Fourteen are living quarters, 
one of double size — a mess hall, the last a 
recreation hall. In the center of each block are 
latrines and shower baths with abundant hot 
water, for men and for woman; a wash-house 
with tubs where clothing can be laundered 
(Figure 5.2); an ironing room where they can 
be dried. 




Figure 5.2. Laundry room (WRA photograph, UCLA 
Special Collections). 



The typical dormitory is divided into four 
apartments 20 by 25 feet, each housing a family 
group of four to six; 21 people to the average 
building, 300 to the block, 36 blocks to house 
10,000 people. 



The furniture on arrival consisted of an iron cot, 
a straw filled tick, and three army blankets for 
each evacuee. Before winter sets in, the govern- 
ment will furnish celetex or similar insulating 
material so that the inmates can line their own 
apartments against the cold; and their personal 
and household effects are to be brought from the 
warehouses where they now are stored. 

Into these barracks the Wartime Civilian Control 
Administration, chiefly during the months of 
April and May, poured 10,000 human beings. 
From Bainbridge Island in Puget Sound some of 
them came, and fisher folk from Terminal Island; 
but for the most part Manzanar was filled by 
evacuees from Los Angeles proper. To under- 
stand Manzanar, it is essential at the start to get 
the overall picture of the make-up of this 
population group. 



Aliens and Citizens 

I need not remind the audience that an immi- 
grant born in Japan cannot become an Ameri- 
can citizen, with one very special exception to 
be mentioned later. So it is that 35 percent of 
our population is still alien: 2,100 men, 1,300 
women, mostly well along in years. 

No less then 65 percent of Manzanar's popula- 
tion are American citizens, born in the United 
States. Twenty-three hundred of them are 
children under 16; forty-one hundred are 
between 16 and 65 years of ago; not a single 
one of the native-born is over 65. 



Occupations and Skills 

Upon arrival at Manzanar, this mass of human- 
ity immediately was classified as to skill and 
past occupations. Only four categories list 
more than 200 names: 



Clerks 


750 


Farmers 


613 


Gardeners 


400 


Students of college age 


211 



110 



The balance are listed in no less then 186 
occupational classes. So Manzanar was born with 
an exceedingly wide range of skills with which 
to work, plus executive ability, most of the 
professions, and many of the arts. 

I hate to talk about human beings in terms of 
statistics. When I tell you that the list of valets 
includes Selznick's, John Barrymore's, and 
Charlie Chaplin's; that our five doctors of 
medicine stem from the Universities of Southern 
California, Rush Medical, and Johns Hopkins, 
you will gather what I might do if time permit- 
ted me to deal with personalities. 



Manzanar at Work 

To what use can this wealth of talent be put 
on a sagebrush plain with a short growing 
season? The net factory is one answer (Figure 
5.3). Five hundred American citizens stand 
daily in great sheds, weaving burlap patterns 
into nets which hang from a twenty-foot 
ceiling; patterns for summer, patterns for 
winter, patterns for the desert. Camouflage 
nets which go out from Manzanar by the 
carload to gun emplacements on the far-flung 
battle lines. Five hundred nets a day go out 
from Manzanar. Boys and girls mostly in their 
early twenties work to the music of a phono- 
graph carried by a loud speaker, their own 
equipment. They work with masks over their 
mouths against the dust. They work for the 
prize of a watermelon for the crew that puts 
out the most. They work with pride because 
camouflage net processing has been classified as 
skilled work and draws a monthly cash allow- 
ance of $16, where unskilled workers make 
only $12. They work perfectly aware that they 
are contributing to America's war effort, and 
all they ask is that their follow citizens may 
hear, and some day understand. 

All workers on anything thus connected with 
the war effort must be American citizens. The 
only man who is sullen and hurt about this 
net-making for Uncle Sam's armies is the old 



Japanese who came to America in his youth. He 
wants to work at the nets, but he is an "alien" 
and the Geneva Convention forbids his labor on 
anything connected with the war. 

Another large group of workers moves each 
morning into the fields south of the Center, 
where the sagebrush has been stripped from 
three hundred acres, irrigation ditches lined out, 
and crops put in. In spite of a late start there are 
fields of sweet corn, cucumbers, melons, radishes, 
turnips, tomatoes, all of which go to the mess 
halls of Manzanar as fast as harvested. 




Figure 5.3. Camouflage net factory (Dorothea Lange 
photograph, National Archives). 



They have worked over the old orchards of 
Manzanar which had been abandoned for over 
ten years; pruned, irrigated, and helped them to 
produce. 

The largest single group of workers in this city 
is engaged in catering to community wants: food 
must be cooked for 10,000 mouths; latrines must 
be swept and washed; paper gathered; garbage 
dumped. Today our garbage goes into an open 
trench; tomorrow it will go into hogs. Carpen- 
ters are at work on offices, on quarters for 
personnel, on partitions for the women's latrines. 
Carpenters next week will be at work in school 
houses and a clothing factory. Painters, plumb- 
ers, electricians, auto mechanics are at work at 
their trades. They are putting linoleum down on 



111 



every floor of the entire camp, against the cold 
and summer dust. A crew of civil engineers is 
running a line of levels to ascertain the possibil- 
ity of diverting Symmes Creek into our water 
system. Men are fencing the center proper; men 
are marking the entire boundary of the 6,000 
acre Relocation Area. Guarded by a Caucasian, 
a crew goes daily to the depot at Lone Pine ten 
miles away to unload freight. Ten miles is the 
limit of activity outside of the camp, except for 
150 agricultural workers who went to southern 
Idaho to answer an urgent call of the sugar beet 
growers. 

I drove up to see them a few weeks ago. In the 
little town of Rupert, in the Twin Falls district 
of the Snake River Valley, it was on a Sunday, 
we found these men from Manzanar lying on the 
grass in the public park; some were eating in the 
best restaurant when we went in to lunch; others 
were seen coming out of the movies; and they 
told me they had been made more than welcome 
in the town's churches. 

But to return to Manzanar. One project it has 
which is unique. Under the direction of a 
scientist from the California Institute of Technol- 
ogy, an experiment in handling Guayule under 
all sorts of closely controlled conditions is full of 
promise for the rubber industry of the future. 

It is not only the men who work at Manzanar. 
Long before the arrival of sewing machines, 
there was one warehouse where women gathered 
daily to sew by hand aprons for the net workers, 
nursery aprons for the youngsters, curtains for 
the women's shower baths. As soon as we got 
word that a large clothing factory was to be 
established at Manzanar, three hundred women 
ranging in age from 16 to 60, enrolled in classes 
six days a week in sewing, pattern making, and 
drafting. One of the teachers, Miss Ogura, was 
formerly a professional designer with a custom 
clientele in Pasadena; the other a former costume 
designer for the Parker Shops in Hollywood. 



The point I wish to stress is that Manzanar is 
not a concentration of idlers and boondogglers. 
When in full production next summer, this 
project will have under cultivation about 1500 
acres, the produce all to be consumed on the 
premises or shipped to other relocation centers. 
We intend to raise hogs, chickens, and rabbits 
for our own consumption. Primarily, however, 
it will be a manufacturing center. By September 
15th, a clothing factory designed to supply all 
those relocation areas will be in full swing. 
Brooms, needles, soy bean products, and 
mattresses are among the scheduled factories to 
be put in operation. These will utilize every bit 
of labor available in the camp, both men and 
women. 

The work day at Manzanar is eight hours, five 
days a week; four hours on Saturday. Work is 
voluntary. Tangible return to the worker is food, 
shelter, medical attention, undoubtedly clothing 
next winter, plus a "cash allowance" — we do 
not call it a wage — of $12 a month for common 
labor; $16 a month for such skills as nursing, net 
making, foremen, mechanics; $19 a month for 
such professional work as that of the doctors 
who man our hospital. 

And in filling positions throughout the whole 
administrative staff, the policy has been to use 
evacuees whenever qualified, keeping the 
Caucasian personnel to a minimum. 



Manzanar at Play 

If Manzanar works with a will, Manzanar also 
knows how to play. These barren sand lots 
opened up as fire breaks promptly became 
recreation areas. And what do you suppose is 
the "recreation" of the old people of the gener- 
ation which came years ago from Japan, the 
aliens of the camp? Victory Gardens in the 
recreation area, the greenest spot in Manzanar, 
where 300 families cooperate in weeding, 
irrigating, and cultivating. Every bit of food so 
produced lessens the cost of this camp to Uncle 
Sam. 



112 



Athletics are as popular with the young as 
gardens with the old. No less than 100 softball 
teams have been organized and it is a poor night 
when a dozen games are not going on simulta- 
neously (Figure 5.4). After vain efforts to secure 
a wrestling mat, the boys went into the desert, 
cut four gnarled trees for corner posts, lugged in 
sand to soften the fall, and lo! a wrestling arena 
where nightly may be seen the various types of 
oriental wrestling as well as catch-as catch-can. 
There was no basketball court, but a basket 
nailed to a cottonwood tree serves just as well 
for goal. 



No description of Manzanar at play can omit 
mention of their music. I quote from a news 
item for June 16th: 

Approximately 1000 music lovers gath- 
ered under the cottonwood trees in the 
firebreak between blocks 10 and 11 on 
Sunday night for the first in a weekly 
series of recorded symphony programs. 
Waxed discs of Strauss, Debussy, Tchai- 
kovsky, and other masters were heard 
over the public address system. 

The public address system is their own; the 
records are their own: the idea was their own. 




Figure 5.4. Women's softball team (WRA photograph 
from Myer 1971:56). 

A former employee of the Paramount studies, a 
free lance Hollywood technical director, and the 
former proprietor of a Los Angeles amusement 
hall got together and organized the Community 
Players. I have seen as many as 1500 sitting on 
the bare ground of a Sunday night before their 
improvised stage, enjoying a program of 
magician's tricks, harmonica solos, songs, 
dancing, one act comedies, and Hawaiian 
melodies. 

Up in the southwest corner is the only running 
water within the Center proper, and there they 
have developed a picnic ground where watermel- 
ons can be cooled in Bairs Creek, with rustic 
bridges and pits for weeny roasts. An open fire, 
a hot dog, and music under the stars. 



What songs would you expect to hear at a 
Community Sing in a relocation center? 
America, the Beautiful; Home on the Range; Oh, 
Susanna, and Loch Lomond. 

Manzanar has produced a cowboy trio that 
would be good in any man's town; numerous 
string quartettes that at least go well with a hot 
dog and a picnic fire; hula dancers and Hawaiian 
crooners who remind one poignantly of the 
outposts of our tropical empire. 

Here as elsewhere in America, however, the 
most popular music is that of the dance. I 
attended a Bruin-Trojan dance sponsored by 
former students and alumni of U.S.C. and 
U.C.L.A. One hundred and sixty couples were 
there. With a few daubs of paint on electric 
globes they had softened down the light; with 
strips of colored paper they had broken the 
harsh lines of the bare barracks; paper flowers of 
their own fabrication were apricot of color. 
What of the dancers: their clothes were neat, 
plain American; their slang was pure American; 
their gum chewing would mark them American 
in any part of the seven seas. They danced the 
dances of Hollywood and Wilshire Boulevard: 
tango, rhumba, jive, and jitterbug. And they 
danced well. 



113 



Health 

One that particular night, about midnight, a 
policeman entered the dance hall and touched 
Dr. James Goto on the shoulder. I followed 
him to the "hospital," watched him get into his 
white robe and scrub up. The operating room 
was the end of a barrack constructed of green 
lumber that had opened wide cracks to the 
wind and the dust. But the cracks had been 
stuffed and the place washed out with a hose. 
The lights were adequate, the room tempera- 
ture right, the operating table reasonably 
steady. Deft nurses had sterilized his instru- 
ments and threaded his needles. A graduate of 
Rush Medical, also an evacuee, did a spinal 
anesthesia. Then Doctor Goto stepped to the 
table and proceeded to perform an appendec- 
tomy, assisted by his wife, also a doctor of 
medicine and a graduate of the University of 
Southern California. When we went off to bed 
at 2:00 a.m., she stayed on to deliver the newest 
addition to Manzanar's growing population. 

Staffed by five evacuee doctors, three graduates 
of the University of Southern California, one 
from Rush Medical, the fifth, a doctor of public 
health from Johns Hopkins, with five graduate 
evacuee nurses, this hospital of barracks, between 
March 22 and June 30, handled 6,528 out-patients 
and 568 in-patients. There were 116 surgical 
cases, 19 births, 28,000 typhoid inoculations. 
Practically the entire population was immunized 
against smallpox. Nearly 2,500 received dental 
treatment by dentists who were using their own 
equipment, and of course without charge. Over 
500 food handlers and diet girls were examined: 
111 Wassermans were taken. Of five deaths 
within that period, not a single one was charge- 
able either to contagious disease or to surgery. 
An outbreak of athlete's foot was the only thing 
approaching an epidemic since the opening of 
the camp. 

We moved last week into a new 250-bed hospital 
where the sand does not blow through the walls 
and where blood-stained sheets do not have to 



be laundered by hand. But so long as hard work, 
well performed, commands the respect of men, 
what went in that makeshift hospital at Man- 
zanar during the first four months under the 
guidance of skillful, hard- working Dr. James 
Goto, is something of which California may well 
be proud. 

The health of Manzanar at the start is about the 
health of the average population group of 10,000 
in California. But being concentrated within a 
square, with parents on the lookout for commu- 
nicable disorders and a modern hospital with 
which to combat disease, it should be possible 
for our medical staff to locate and isolate every 
case of active tuberculosis; and to wipe out 
venereal disease 100 percent. Disease from 
malnutrition cannot occur. We are segregating 
those cases which require special diet in a block 
adjacent to the hospital. 



Food and Water 

In this item of public health, food, water, and 
sanitation are basic. Our water supply comes 
from the snow of the high Sierra, down Shep- 
herd Creek, and through a chlorinator. It is 
analyzed twice each month by the Department 
of Public Health of the State of California. 
One of the wells of the Los Angeles water 
system, with a flow sufficient for all domestic 
needs, is also tied into our system for fire 
protection and as insurance against drought. 
Manzanar uses well over a million gallons of 
water a day; more then 100 gallons per person. 
Most of this, of course, is for irrigation and for 
watering the lawns which are beginning to 
spring up between barracks all over the camp. 

The food of Manzanar is simple, but abundant, 
well-cooked, and nourishing. To meet the taste 
of many of the evacuees, rice is substituted for 
other starch staples, and condiments to which 
they are partial are purchased. Food costs the 
United States a fraction over 38 cents per day 
per person, plus the labor of evacuee cooks and 



114 



helpers. In our refrigerating plant there is 
generally hanging several carloads of meat; and 
there are refrigerators of generous dimensions in 
each mess hall. 



Sewage Disposal and Sanitation 

If food and water can be called excellent, 
sewage disposal at Manzanar must be labeled 
superb. There is nearing completion a plant for 
treating liquid sewage which is the last word in 
scientific perfection. Camp sanitation also is 
good, latrines are cleaned daily; trash cans 
stand between barracks and are used. We have 
an unsolved rat problem, but flies are well 
under control. The camp, its residents, and the 
clothes they wear all impress the visitor as neat 
and clean. 



Education 

Granted a roof against the rain, and food, the 
average American family thinks next of educa- 
tion. It is not different at Manzanar. Dr. 
Genevieve Carter came down from Berkeley to 
look over this newest regrouping of Califor- 
nia's population, was persuaded to accept the 
post of Director of Education, and left almost 
immediately to recruit teachers. When she 
returned a fortnight later she found no less 
than 2000 pupils organized in classes under 
volunteer instructors. Mothers had not been 
slow to grasp at opportunity. With no chairs 
provided, they lugged their own to the recre- 
ation rooms or found scrap lumber to make 
benches. The schools of Los Angeles sent up 
text books by the hundred so that pupils who 
had been torn from their schools in March 
could make up lost ground. These volunteer 
classes are now regularly at work under the 
guidance of three Caucasian teachers. 

There is another education group which typi- 
fies much of the spirit of Manzanar. It is 
headed by Mrs. Nishikawa, a master of arts 
from Berkeley Theological Seminary; indeed, 
to her all credit is due. Its purpose is Ameri- 



canization of older evacuees 
the language of the country 
who today, for the first 
sufficient leisure to study 
required for life in camp; and 
of the Constitution of the 
American history, and of the 
institutions. 



who never learned 
of their adoption; 
time, are finding 
the basic English 
to learn something 
United States, of 
spirit of American 



Seven nursery-kindergarten schools are in daily 
session, conducted for youngsters from three to 
six years of age. Approximately fifty children are 
in daily attendance at each nursery. 

"Our biggest problem," writes Mrs. Kitagawa, "is 
the lack of materials such as paper for cutting 
and drawing, clay, as well as swings, jungle jims, 
educational toys, and partitions to separate our 
different age groups." Nevertheless, the work 
goes on. 

Our latest addition to the children's group in 
Manzanar are some 70 orphans from the 
Southern California Japanese Children's Home, 
the Catholic Maryknoll Home in Los Angeles, 
and the Salvation Army Home in San Francisco. 

In the future and still to be built are two 
elementary schools, the Manzanar High school, 
and an auditorium which will seat 1000 students. 
The work of construction will be done entirely 
by evacuee labor. These schools will be part of 
the public school system of California; teaching 
standards must measure up in every way. Not 
many of the evacuees have teaching credentials, 
so the schools for the most part must be staffed 
by Caucasians. The bill, of course, will be paid 
by the United States and not by Inyo County. 

For those college students whose courses were 
suddenly interrupted, two things are contem- 
plated: some will be permitted and assisted to 
complete their work at mid-western universities; 
for others, university extension courses will be 
held at Manzanar. 



115 



Block Leaders 

One of the announced policies of the War 
Relocation Authority is that evacuees shall 
have an opportunity to participate in the 
government of the Center. Our block leaders 
represent Manzanar's initial step in this direc- 
tion. Chosen from time to time as one block 
after another filled up, some by an elective 
process, some by appointment, collectively 
they serve as a temporary municipal council 
pending the organization of a formal interior 
government. 

Each block leader has an office within his 
block and upon his shoulders devolves all 
manner of duties. His is the responsibility of 
seeing that latrines are kept clean, that burnt- 
out fuses and light globes are replaced, that the 
night check is made which tells us daily 
whether or not anyone has left camp, that fire 
hazards are not permitted to accumulate. If 
someone plays the saxophone too late at night, 
he listens to the complaints next morning. 
Roof repairs, family disputes, interpretation of 
government policy are among his functions. 
His office distributes soap, mops, buckets, 
blankets, grass seed, and brooms. The organiza- 
tion of Boy Scouts, the calling of block meet- 
ings, the writing of letters for the illiterate, all 
those duties and many more fall upon the 
broad shoulders of the block leaders. 

It is a trait of human nature the world over to 
look to maturity for leadership. I have pointed 
out how the elders among these evacuees are, 
of necessity, aliens. Ted Akahoshi is typical. 
They call him the "Mayor of Manzanar." Ted 
is a graduate of Stanford University in the class 
of 1913; a member of Stanford's Rugby team in 
1912 and '13, formerly executive secretary of 
the Wholesale Japanese Produce Commission 
Merchants Association in Los Angeles. His is 
able, sane, and fair. But he is an alien; and 
there are those among the American-born who 
would throw off the leadership of their elders. 
It is just one of the many knotty problems 
with which a project director has to deal. 



Law and Order 

This whole question of internal government is 
one which has not yet assumed definite shape 
at any Relocation Center. Fortunately, law and 
order has so far been an insignificant problem. 
By and large, these evacuees are an exceedingly 
well-behaved group. The lawyers are not 
entirely agreed as to just where we would go if 
this were not the case. Federal Courts have no 
machinery for handling petty crimes and 
misdemeanors outside of the National Parks, 
where United States Commissioners take juris- 
diction. The county government in Owens 
Valley is not particularly eager to be burdened 
with Manzanar's cases. So, after once calling 
the Justice of Peace to dispose of the proceeds 
from a stud poker game raided by the interior 
police, we finally set up a mechanism of our 
own. 

The block leaders chose three, one a lawyer, 
one a social worker, all citizens; and the ad- 
ministration appointed three employees. Those 
six constitute a sort of grand jury which hears 
evidence and makes recommendations to the 
Project Director. The latter may not impose a 
fine, but he may impose a jail sentence. A 
serious crime would, of course, be tried in the 
county seat at Independence. 

Order is maintained at Manzanar by an inte- 
rior police force of some seventy evacuees 
headed by five Caucasians, a chief and four 
lieutenants, so that one is on duty at police 
headquarters at all time of the day and night. 
No one carries arms within the Center. 



Military Police 

The Relocation Center is that district, approxi- 
mately a mile square, in which all the buildings 
of Manzanar are located. It is fenced with an 
ordinary three-strand barbed-wire fence across 
the front and far enough back from the road 
on either side to control all automobile traffic. 
Four towers with floodlights overlook the 
center (Figure 5.5). The Relocation Area is the 



116 




Figure 5.5. City in the desert (view from watchtower) 
(Ansel Adams photograph, Library of Congress). 



whole 6,000 acre tract of which the Center is but 
a part. 

As soon as the boundaries of the area are 
completely marked, evacuees will be permitted to 
move therein between daylight and dark. There 
is a company of Military Police stationed just 
south of the Center, whose function it is to 
maintain a patrol about the entire area during 
the day; and to man the towers and patrol the 
Center at night. A telephone is being installed in 
each tower so that if a fire breaks out, it can 
immediately be reported. The whole camp is 
under the eyes of these sentries. While evacuees 
are required to be within the camp itself, there is 
no curfew. 



Freedom at Manzanar 

It is the desire and the intention of the War 
Relocation Authority to grant evacuees every 
freedom consistent with military necessity. The 
first is the right to publish their own newspa- 
per. The Manzanar Free Press, first published as 
a mimeographed sheet on April 11, has devel- 
oped into a four-page printed tabloid sup- 
ported entirely by advertising and subscrip- 
tions. It is published three times a week. We 
intend that it shall be free in fact as well as in 
name; a press with full editorial freedom to 
criticize at will, and subject only to the re- 
straints which all American journalism accepts 
as a necessity in time of war. 



The second freedom is the right to receive news 
of the outside world. Newspapers from San 
Francisco and Los Angeles to New York are on 
sale daily at the Manzanar canteen, and all 
current magazines which are in demand. While 
short-wave radio sets are barred, there is no 
restriction to listening to whatever an ordinary 
receiving set may gather from the air. 
There is entire freedom to write and to receive 
uncensored mail. The Manzanar post office is a 
branch of the Los Angeles post office, and is 
reported no differently from any branch. 

Freedom of religious worship is an actuality 
much prized. On the establishment of the camp, 
the gates were besieged by representatives of 
every seat with which Los Angeles abounds; so 
the rule was laid down that the demand for a 
particular pastor must come from a group within 
the camp. Catholics, Episcopalians, Methodists, 
Quakers, hold services regularly (Figure 5.6), so 
do those of the Buddhist faith. Only Shintoism 
is barred. 




Figure 5.6. Catholic Church (Ansel Adams 
photograph, Library of Congress). 

Every Tuesday the local bank opens an office in 
Manzanar and does a regular banking business. 
The business of Manzanar is not to be snoozed 
at. The monthly payroll is around $75,000; sales 
at our community stores gross around $2,000 a 
day. 

These stores are among the most interesting 
developments at Manzanar. When the Army 



117 



canteen which functioned under the Wartime 
Civilian Control Administration pulled out, we 
were offered $50,000 for the concession. This, of 
course, was refused. Instead, we gave out the 
word that the evacuees were going to run their 
own stores. Without any guarantee by govern- 
ment or anything in the nature of collateral, Los 
Angeles merchants promptly stocked the stores 
with some $20,000 worth of merchandise. They 
were not taking much of a chance. 

Thirteen tons of watermelons have been sold 
between Tuesday and Saturday. Two hundred 
boxes of oranges and ten cases of grapefruit were 
sold each week. One hundred seventy-five cases 
of soda pop are received every other day. Sales in 
the clothing department are not quite so active, 
but still substantial. Thirty thousand dollars a 
month passes over the counter. 

These stores are about to be organized as 
community cooperatives. For the past three 
weeks, evening meetings have been held to 
educate interested groups in the mechanics and 
principles of cooperatives. When I left Manzanar, 
they were debating whether to use profits to 
reduce prices to the consumer or to devote a 
considerable share to community relief needs. 

In addition to stores, it is proposed to organize 
barber and beauty shops, shoe repair shops, and 
later on a theater as cooperative community 
enterprises. 



Manzanar Rumors 

No description of Manzanar would be com- 
plete without mention of the luxuriant crop of 
rumors which circulate both within and 
without the Center. No tale is too wild to be 
believed. 

"If prices go up or if there's a food shortage on 
the Coast," says rumor, "they're going to 
forget us here. We'll starve. There's not even a 
day's supply on hand." And we find sack after 
sack of rice hidden away in the frightened 



man s apartment. 

"Say, there was a riot at the net factory yester- 
day. Everybody walked out; they had to call the 
soldiers out." Investigation shows a gang of 
16-year old youngsters calling from the side 
lines, "Come on, let's go play baseball." 

The one that really startled me was the day an 
official in the United States Public Health 
Service came rushing into Manzanar to inquire 
about the "terrible epidemic." "We heard that 
there had been two hundred deaths." At that 
particular moment in history, Manzanar had yet 
to experience its first death. 

I have before me a rather penetrating memoran- 
dum laid on my desk by an intelligent young 
reporter on the subject of these unsubstantiated 
fears: 

"Are the Isseis, or the Niseis, generally more 
disconsolate over their confinement here?" he 
asks. "Each time we hear the young people's 
cases, of what wonderful career opportunities 
they had just before the war broke out, we think 
that their cases are the tragic ones. When we 
hear how the elderly residents are withdrawing 
within themselves like the taunted snails, we 
think their cases are the tragic ones. 

"An elderly Japanese block leader candidate came 
to our office last night and leisurely monologued 
for three hours, telling us his entire career in 
America from the time of his arrival in this 
country to the time of his arrival at Manzanar. 
His narrative does not differ too greatly from 
those of other Isseis. 

"The point is, his casual reference to the attitudes 
of the elderly Japanese indicated to us how 
deeply humiliated, disappointed, and unrecon- 
ciled they are to the turn of events which 
brought them and their children here. Silently, it 
would seem, they are apologizing to their 
children for the misfortune they brought upon 
their off-spring citizens of this country. 



118 



"From morning to night, (I am still quoting) 
they bear in mind that they must be humble ... 
The opinions of the Isseis, they often feel, need 
not be taken into account here because they are 
enemy aliens, because they are old. 

"This attitude tends to create pessimism; which 
in turn disinclines them from seeking to learn 
about the progress of this project and its facili- 
ties. Because they do not try to know, to keep 
up with the developments here, they create 
within themselves the cancerous growth of 
uncertainty. 

"From such an attitude, for instance, comes the 
frenzied desire of some families to hoard dozens 
of sacks of rice ... ." 

It would be quite wrong, however, to end on 
that melancholy note, for it is not the dominant 
note of Manzanar. The morale of these evacuees 
on the whole is excellent. The camp has reacted 
eagerly to every opportunity to show its 
Americanism and pride in this country. A 
memorable scene occurred on "I am an American 
Day" when a Japanese Boy Scout troop led the 
hundreds assembled in the pledge to the flag and 
in singing the national anthem. I believe nearly 
three thousand poppies were sold in Manzanar 
for the American Legion and the Veterans of 
Foreign Wars. When a committee of leading 
citizens representing all Owens Valley appealed 
to the block leaders to participate in the national 
bond campaign, they challenged Bishop, the 
Valley's largest town, to a race. Except for the 
fact that the government was three months late 
in paying off for work performed, I am sure 
Manzanar would have won. As yet another 
evidence that these evacuees are still an integral 
part of America, at the last registration of youths 
between the ages of 16 and 20, four hundred and 
thirty-two young men of Manzanar were 
registered for the draft. 

Of more significance than any of these, however, 
was a petition being circulated last week asking 
the President of the United States for permission 



to volunteer and fight on the European front. It 
was not an idle gesture. It was the deliberate act 
of mature men, American men, born in Califor- 
nia, who know no other country than these 
United States, and who are willing to lay down 
their lives for their country's cause. There are 
many men in Manzanar whose loyalty is no 
more to be questioned then that of any of us 
here. 

Tokie Slokum is in Manzanar. He was regimen- 
tal sergeant major in the regiment made famous 
in the last war by Sergeant York. He successfully 
fought through Congress for himself and similar 
aliens who served in the United States Army, for 
their right to American citizenship. He accepts 
his evacuation to Manzanar as the contribution 
of a loyal American citizen to the winning of the 
present war. 

Upon that note, I close. For the government of 
the United States which I have the honor to 
represent, I desire to report the words of the 
Authority's first director, Milton Eisenhower, 
the brother of the General who commands in 
the European theater of operations: "For the 
War Relocation Authority," he wrote, "I wish to 
say that we intend to demonstrate to the world 
— to our friends and to our enemies alike — that 
this nation, grim in the fight it is waging, can at 
the same time be tolerant, patient and consider- 
ate in handling this human problem of wartime 
migration and resettlement." 



Manzanar Tour — 1 944 

Beginning in front of the Administration 
Building we find on our left, as we face the 
entrance gates, Block 1 (Figure 5.7), an Admin- 
istrative block housing offices, and here we 
name and point out a few. Turn South at the 
Police Station, we parallel the highway and 
pass the staff quarters on the right, pointing 
out the three buildings which house the teach- 
ers. The gardens on our left are the staff vic- 
tory gardens. 



119 




Figure 5.7. 1st Street (administration area to left) 
(Ansel Adams photograph, Library of Congress). 

Continuing our swing through the Caucasian 
quarters, we pass the food storage houses on our 
right, then the garage where all WRA vehicles 
are repaired and maintained. We point out the 
dispatcher's office and the Motor Pool on our 
left. We travel straight ahead between the 
warehouses and the camouflage buildings to the 
Superintendent of Manufacturing office at 
Warehouse 31. We take our visitors inside to let 
them see the only garment factory among the 
relocation centers. Here is made all of the work 
clothing for the other WRA centers and, as we 
take them down between the power machines, 
by the repairing room, through the hand 
alteration section to the cutting room, we 
explain that we had but one trained power 
machine operator at the beginning and that all of 
the people now working were trained right here 
at Manzanar. These people, like all of our 
employees, work 44 hours a week and are paid 
$16.00 a month plus $3.75 as a clothing allow- 
ance. Those who are in a supervisory capacity or 
who are professional workers, such as doctors or 
dentists, receive $19 a month. Remember that 
our visitors are not familiar with many of the 
facts of Manzanar which appear and seem so 
obvious and common to us. They need to be 
told, sometimes, that people are not forced to 
work and that we do our best under our limita- 
tions to provide as normal a community life as 
possible. 

If Mr. Haberle, Superintendent of Manufactur- 
ing, has the time to assist you, ask him to 



accompany you and our visitors to the food 
processing department, at Camouflage No. 4. It's 
here that the brine-pickled products, so much a 
part of the Japanese food culture, are prepared. 
Here, also, rice is cooked, is allowed to stand to 
form a vegetable mold, is mixed with other rice 
and Mongo beans and is ground to form Miso, a 
flavoring used in all the kitchens. There is a large 
jar of Miso in this building which may be shown 
to our visitors. If we go to the south end of the 
building, we will pass the cooking and steam 
vats, where the rice and other foods are pre- 
pared; and we will reach the open doors of the 
dehydrator, where we dehydrate our surplus 
vegetables each fall and use them in the mess 
halls during the winter. Our visitors would be 
interested to see some jars of dehydrated 
products which you will find at the south end of 
the dehydrator. 




Figure 5.8. Poultry Farm (Ansel Adams photograph, 
Library of Congress). 



120 



Returning to the car, we go out the south gate 
and down along the agricultural fields, explaining 
to our visitors as we go that 85 percent of our 
vegetable consumption is produced right here at 
Manzanar. Drive along the fields for about one- 
half mile, then turn around and take our visitors 
to the chicken project (Figure 5.8). Inform them, 
when you arrive, that we produce all the eggs we 
consume. Someone will ask if we hatch our own 
chickens and the answer is "no." We buy them 
as chicks and raise them to their egg-laying 
stage. Cockerels are slaughtered for meat. 

After showing our visitors the chicken project, 
next lead them to the much discussed hog project 
(Figure 5.9). Here, as with the chickens, we do 
no breeding but purchase small feeder hogs and, 
upon delivery, place them in the pens to your 
left as you enter the project grounds. As they 
grow older and fatter and more succulent, they 
are moved to the front pens until ready for 



slaughter. The feed is garbage from the mess halls 
and it isn't necessary to grain-feed our hogs 
before slaughter (as is generally done to firm the 
flesh) because our garbage contains such a high 
percentage of rice. The feeding platforms are 
concrete and are cleaned and hosed two to three 
times a day and the grounds of the pens are 
cleaned and raked two to three times a week. 
The hog project provides Manzanar with all the 
pork it consumes. 

We did have 400 head of cattle to provide beef 
for the mess halls. The last of these is being 
slaughtered and the project will be discontinued, 
because the price of army third grade beef is 
more economical. Returning from the hog 
project, remain outside the wire fence and drive 
along the west boundary of the center proper. 
Point out the domestic water supply tank and 
explain that all water is chlorinated and is taken 
from the stream which come from the snow of 
the Sierras and for this privilege we pay the City 
of Los Angeles. 




Figure 5.9. Hog Farm (Ansel Adams photograph, 
Library of Congress). 



Turn in at the west gate and drive toward the 
hospital. Show our visitors the victory gardens in 
the fire break, and stop at the oil tank at Block 
24, because it is time to explain to our friends 
how a typical block is laid out and how it 
operates. The present population of 5,500 people 
is divided into blocks. Explain what each 
apartment is like, tell about the life of the block 
and point out the block mess hall, latrines, and 
laundry room. Describe to our visitors how the 
apartments are heated in the winter. Tell how 
each block elects a block manager who meets 
with other block managers and Mr. Merritt in 
the regular Town Hall Meetings. 

Taking our visitors by, but not into the hospital, 
tell them what it contains: the laboratory, wards, 
dental clinic, eye, ear, nose and throat clinic, 
crippled children's clinic, out-patients clinic, new 
baby room, x-ray, and surgery. Drive to the east 
side of Mess Hall No. 34 to show our visitors an 
example of what some of the blocks have done 
with the area next to the mess halls. From there 



121 



you should go to Pleasure Park (Figure 5.10), 
informing the visitors that the Rose Garden was 
donated by a very fine evacuee horticulturist 
who budded his plants on the root systems of 
the Sierra Wild Rose. Explain that the park was 
designed and created by volunteer evacuee labor 
and was finished last year. 

From Pleasure Park you should introduce our 
visitors to Mr. and Mrs. Matsumoto, head of the 
Shonien or Children's Village. Here are housed 
all of the orphans in all the ten centers, under 
the supervision of Mr. and Mrs. Matsumoto, 
who formerly supervised a similar institution in 
Los Angeles. You will find Mr. and Mrs. 
Matsumoto only too happy to show our visitors 
through the Children's Village. 

Leaving the Children's Village, I think our 
visitors would next like to be taken back to the 
Guayule Propagation Project across from Block 6 
where we grow the rubber-containing Guayule 
bush. This bush at two years contains in its 
stems, but not in its leaves, about 12 percent 
rubber in coagulated form; that is, the Guayule 
rubber is not derived from a latex or milk 



secretion as is tropical rubber but is found in 
coagulated form in each plant cell. Our problem 
at Manzanar has been to find the proper method 
of holding the alkaline-acid balance and to 
develop a method of separating the coagulated 
rubber from the plant fibers. This we have done, 
and, if you will take our visitors by the open air 
theater to the rubber extraction plant in Ironing 
Room No. 35, someone will be happy to 
explain the mechanical process involved. It is 
interesting to add that we are growing certain 
drug, medicinal plants and herbs for the supply 
of which this country has had to depend upon 
imports up to the war. Pyrethrum is used to 
make sprays, to kill insects. Camphor, thyme, 
coriander, and guar are either in the lath house 
or growing in the North Farm. 

Leaving Block 35, drive along the road which 
passes the Fire Department in Block 13 until you 
reach the Community Auditorium. This is the 
last major construction at Manzanar and, 
although the plans for it had been long drawn 
up, it's construction was not begun until it was 
found to be needed without doubt. 




Figure 5.10. Pool in Pleasure Park (Ansel Adams Photograph, Library of Congress). 

122 



Chapter 6 



History Background 

Jeffery F. Burton and Jane C. Wehrcy 1 




Valleys east of the Sierra Nevada were tra- 
versed by Euroamericans as early as 1829- 
1830, when the British trapper Peter 
Skene Ogden passed through the Owens Valley. 
Expeditions by Joseph W. Walker from 1833- 
1843 led to the occasional use of the eastern 
Sierra valleys as part of an immigrant trail 
(Busby et al. 1980:37-39). In 1845 Walker led an 
official mapping party through the area. John C. 
Fremont also came through the valley later that 
same year, naming the valley, river, and lake 
after Richard Owens, a guide on some of his 
other trips. Owens was not on that trip, 
however, and never saw the area named for him 
(Chalfant 1922:98; Sauder 1994:22). 

Prospecting and mining in the eastern Sierra 
region began in the 1850s. As the gold fields on 
the west slope of the Sierra Nevada were played 
out and taken over by large companies, individ- 
ual prospectors looked to other areas rather than 
return to the east. In response to the growing 
economic interests, the first public land survey in 
the area was begun. In 1855, Von Schmidt was 
commissioned to map lands east of the Sierra. In 
Owens Valley, Von Schmidt unknowingly 
recorded Paiute irrigation ditches (Lawton et al. 
1976). At this time there was no white settlement 
in the region and Von Schmidt declared the area 



"worthless to the white man, both in soil and 
climate" (Sauder 1994:23). During additional 
work in 1856 Von Schmidt's opinion of the 
Owens valley apparently changed. His classifica- 
tion noted many areas of "first rate soil," the 
largest being in the vicinity of present-day 
Independence (Sauder 1994:23-25). 

In 1859 Capt J.W. Davidson was sent from Fort 
Tejon on a punitive military expedition to the 
Owens Valley to investigate charges that local 
Indians were rustling horses. It quickly became 
apparent to Davidson that the Paiute were not 
responsible. Davidson gave glowing reports on 
the grazing potential of the valley that likely 
influenced many to explore the area further 
(Wilke and Lawton 1976). 

The Owens Valley was used as a transportation 
route to the gold strikes to the north in the 
Mono Basin. In 1859 the first cattle herd was 
brought into the valley; the herd grazed for a 
while near Lone Pine then was sold to miners in 
the Coso area, 50 miles southeast. In 1860 the 
discovery of the Coso Mine brought more 
prospectors to the region, and the first mining 
district east of the Sierra was organized in 1861 
(DeDecker 1966). Cattlemen and farmers soon 
followed. 



portions of this chapter originally appeared in Wehrey 1993, 1994. 



123 



The first permanent herds of cattle were brought 
into Owens Valley in 1861 to supply the 
growing mining camps of the region. Four 
settlements were begun: Allen Van Fleet built a 
house near present-day Laws, Samuel Bishop and 
his wife started a ranch near present-day Bishop, 
Charles Putnam built a cabin and trading post at 
what would later become the town of Indepen- 
dence, and Barton and McGee started a ranch 
near present-day Lone Pine. 



Indians in the Alabama Hills, destroying their 
food stores and killing several Paiute. The militia 
group then moved north towards Bishop's Ranch 
to attack a group of Indians reported in the area. 
In the ensuing "Battle of Bishop Creek" on April 
6, 1862, the militia attacked a group of 500 
Indians led by Joaquin Jim, a Paiute (or Western 
Mono) chief whose lands included Round and 
Long Valleys. But the militia, outnumbered 10 to 
1, were forced to withdraw. 



Indian Wars 

Cattle grazing, along with the cutting of pinyon 
for lumber and firewood by miners and ranchers, 
greatly reduced the Paiute food supply by the 
winter of 1862. Descriptions of the ensuing 
battles between the Paiute and the new settlers 
are given in numerous accounts (e.g. Chalfant 
1922, Wright 1879). The winter of 1862 was 
especially severe and in order to survive the 
Paiute began killing cattle for food. 

A Paiute was shot and killed while herding off a 
lone steer. A few days later a cowboy working 
for Van Fleet was captured and killed in retribu- 
tion. Conflicts with ranchers continued, but 
prospectors were generally left alone (McGrath 
1988:18). Paiute leaders Captain George and 
Captain Dick agreed to end the fighting: George 
indicated that the score was even and that the 
Paiute would live in peace and not kill any more 
cattle for food. However, within two months 
hostilities broke out again when Indians drove 
off 200 head of cattle. Indians from other areas, 
including Kern and Tulare bands, joined in the 
fighting, and the white settlers estimated there 
were from 500 to 2,000 in all. 

On March 17, 1862, a detachment of U.S. Army 
soldiers stationed at Camp Latham (near present 
day Santa Monica) were ordered to the Owens 
Valley via Fort Tejon to verify the reports of 
Indian attacks (Cragen 1975:6). Meanwhile, in 
Owens Valley, the white settlers grouped at Put- 
nam's Store on Independence Creek, fortified 
their position, and then attacked a group of 



The next day the retreating militia was met by 
35 soldiers under the command of Colonel Evans 
who were heading north to engage the Indians. 
The larger force made an unsuccessful attack 
north of Round Valley: snow, skirmishes, and an 
Indian ambush, coupled with dwindling supplies, 
forced the whites to withdraw. The force 
returned to Putnam's store, and on April 13 the 
Army troops left the valley, joined by dozens of 
civilians, 4,000 cattle, and 2,500 sheep (McGrath 
1988:33). By the end of April, the Paiute were in 
sole possession of the valley. 

In June, Colonel Evans returned with a force of 
200 soldiers, destroyed Paiute food caches, and 
attempted to engage the Paiute in battle. Evans 
established Camp Independence on July 4, 1862, 
at Oak Creek four miles north of Putnam's 
Store. The first buildings at the camp were little 
more than dugouts in the creek bank. Adobe 
buildings were completed by the end of 1862. 

On October 6, Indian agents arranged a peace 
treaty, with Captain George and three other 
Paiute headmen agreeing to be held as hostages 
in exchange for provisions. The miners and 
cattlemen returned. Thomas Edwards drove 
cattle into the valley and furnished beef for the 
military. He acquired the Putnam Ranch and 
began laying out a town. Recorded in 1866, 
Independence was the first official townsite in 
Inyo County (Cragen 1966). 

The first of March 1863, Captain George escaped 
and began raids on mining camps. New battles 
ensued and 36 Paiute were killed in a single 



124 



battle at Owens Lake, where many were shot 
while trying to escape by swimming across the 
lake. On April 24 Army reinforcements arrived 
and a ruthless new commander, Captain Moses 
A. McLaughlin (Busby et al. 1980:57) took 
command. McLaughlin employed a new strategy, 
moving soldiers into the mountains at night to 
flush the Paiute into the valley. Fighting contin- 
ued until June 1863, when over 400 Indians 
surrendered at Camp Independence after the 
destruction of their food stores. Others soon 
followed. In all, 60 whites and over 200 Indians 
had been killed'. 

The nearly 1,000 Indians gathered at Camp 
Independence were force-marched to a reserva- 
tion at Fort Tejon, over 175 miles south. Over 
100 died or escaped along the way. With warfare 
seemingly over, Camp Independence was 
abandoned. However, some of the Indians who 
escaped the forced removal, including Joaquin 
Jim, continued fighting (McGrath 1988:22). As 
more Indians returned and attacks increased, the 
Army was again ordered to Owens Valley. 

This second phase of fighting culminated on 
January 5, 1864, when 32 local militia (including 
two ranchers from the George's Creek area, John 
Kispert and John Shuey) surprised a group of 
Paiute at Cottonwood Creek, killing 41 men, 
women, and children. Shortly afterward, the 
Army reoccupied Camp Independence. There 
was little confrontation after the Army arrived, 
and hostilities ended with the death of Joaquin 
Jim at Casa Diablo Hot Springs in the winter of 
1865-1866. Over the next few years most of the 
dislocated Paiute returned; however, they then 
were largely dependent on the Anglo economy. 
By that time, farming was well established in the 
Owens Valley. Most Paiute found jobs as farm 
and ranch laborers, while a few found work as 
miners, on road crews, and even as longshore- 
men at Owens Lake. 

On March 26, 1872, the Owens Valley was 
rocked by a major earthquake. The worst 
destruction was at Lone Pine (population 300) 



where every adobe building collapsed, killing 26 
and injuring 60. The Inyo County Courthouse 
was heavily damaged and nearly all of the adobe 
buildings of Camp Independence were destroyed 
(Cragen 1975). The destroyed buildings at Camp 
Independence were replaced with wooden 
buildings. But Camp Independence was perma- 
nently closed on July 10, 1877. The hospital 
building was sold for $290.00 and moved to the 
town of Independence in 1883. The Com- 
mander's Quarters was sold for $345.00 and 
moved to Independence in 1889 (Cragen 1975). 
The Robinson House in Independence was built 
of lumber from dismantled camp buildings 
(Hoffman 1984:40). Only a school building, a 
few dugouts, and the cemetery remain. 



Early Settlement 

With the ending of hostilities, Euroamerican 
settlement of the region continued unabated. 
Wide-spread prospecting resumed and mining 
provided an early incentive for development. 
Four small towns were soon founded on the 
east side of valley to support the miners. The 
towns, Owensville, Chrysopolis, San Carlos, 
and Bend City, enjoyed their peak years from 
1864 to 1866 (Figure 6.1). These towns were 
slowly abandoned in favor of farming commu- 
nities on the west side of the valley, such as 
Bishop, Big Pine, Aberdeen, Independence, 
George's Creek, and Lone Pine. 

The richest strike ever made in Inyo County 
was at Cerro Gordo in the Inyo Mountains. 
Silver was first discovered there by a Mexican 
miner in 1865, and by the fall of 1868 hun- 
dreds had flocked to the area. In 1870 there 
were nearly 1,000 claims and a small town at 
Cerro Gordo (Likes and Day 1975). Towns 
sprung up around Owens Lake to support 
Cerro Gordo. By 1872, Stevens sawmill at 
Horseshoe Meadows, high in the Sierra Ne- 
vada, sent timber via a flume down to Owens 
Lake. Charcoal kilns were built at the flume's 
terminus in 1876, and steamboats carried lum- 
ber and charcoal across the lake to Cerro Gordo. 



125 



at. /*/i< T^» \ 






** ~^&fj ii* 



'-»A'i. •* ~— 









* -V dft **: ... 

! , »* ~ "... 

4' && 






Arthur M iifto. 



^JK> 



tWAnwca «> WARREH H0UT5«>*u«i's*)-^'- *°vW 



SAK FRA»ICt*eO. CAl. 

Ihlti 1. 







^•»JuLk] 



fife 



Figure 6.1. Owens Valley in 1864 (Eastern California Museum). 



But the easily mined silver was soon depleted, 
and by 1879 Cerro Gordo was virtually a ghost 
town, with only intermittent and small-scale 
mining occurring in the area to the early 1900s. 
Cattle ranching, farming, and lumber production 
soon became the region's main source of com- 
merce. 

The first land claims were filed under the 
Homestead Act of 1862 and the Preemption Act 
of 1864, which allowed settlers to buy up to 160 
acres of public domain land at $1.25 per acre. 
Both acts required the claimant to live on and 
improve their claim. The old irrigated fields of 
the Paiute were generally the first areas to be 
homesteaded (Sauder 1994:27). Entries peaked in 
1873, and by the end of that year nearly all of 
the choice, well-watered areas were taken. The 
Desert Land Act of 1877, under which 640 acres 
could be acquired if irrigated, sparked a new land 
rush in Owens Valley. By 1885 seven major 
canals had been built in the valley and newspa- 
pers reported the imminent demise of Owens 
Lake due to the diversion of Owens River water 
(Babb 1992). 



After 1880, the decline of mining in Inyo 
County greatly reduced the demand for local 
farm goods. With inadequate access to other 
markets, the southern Owens Valley went into 
an economic depression. In anticipation of future 
mining production, a narrow gauge railroad was 
built on the east side of the valley. The Benton 
to Laws segment of the Carson and Colorado 
Railroad was constructed in 1882 and the Laws 
to Keeler segment was completed by 1883 
(Turner 1964). The anticipated mines never 
materialized, but the railroad did provide an 
available, albeit expensive, means of transporting 
farm and ranch products to market. 

In an attempt to offset high transportation costs, 
the 1890s saw the enlargement and specialization 
of farms in the Owens Valley. With the newly 
completed railroad, cattle proved to be the 
cheapest product local farmers could export. 
Many farms turned to raising alfalfa and grazing 
cattle. In the early 1900s there was some eco- 
nomic improvement due to new mines at 
Goldfield and Tonopah, Nevada. But for the 
most part the southern Owens Valley never 
regained the prosperity of the 1860s and 1870s 
(Sauder 1994:74). 



126 



George's Creek 

At the beginning of Euroamerican settlement 
in Owens Valley, the area west of the pres- 
ent-day Los Angeles aqueduct from George 
Creek on the south to Shepherd Creek on the 
north was known as George's Creek. By the 
early 1860s the first cattlemen had arrived in 
the area in search of pasture for their cattle. At 
George Creek they found a Paiute settlement 
of about one hundred inhabitants. The head- 
man, known to the settlers as Captain George 
(for whom the creek was named), was later to 
earn the respect of both Indians and whites as 
a exceptional leader both in peace and in war. 

The principal Euroamerican settlement in this 
area was located on George Creek, below the 
Paiute settlement. The principal north-south 
wagon road through Owens Valley ran up the 
western side of the valley, along the base of the 
Sierran bajada, well above the marshy land of 
the river bottom (Costello and Marvin 1992:34- 
35). The road meandered somewhat as it con- 
nected the various settlements, ranches, and 
springs in the valley (Figure 6.2). 

The "Half- Way House," a stage stop half way 
between Lone Pine and Independence, was 
built on the north side of George Creek in 
1860. The stage stop was closed after the 
Carson and Colorado Railroad was completed 
in 1883, and between 1883 and 1889 the stage 
stop building was used as school. A new school 
was built to the north and across the road and 
the former stage stop was then used as a home 
for teachers. In 1910 Los Angeles took posses- 
sion of the building and used it to house crews 
working on the LA aqueduct (Wood 1977a:94). 
The school was closed due to a lack of students 
in 1922 and the remaining students were trans- 
ferred to the school at the town of Manzanar 
(Wood 1977a: 94). 

Among the first Euroamerican settlers in the 
George's Creek area were John Kispert and 
John Shepherd. John Kispert and a friend 
passed through the Owens Valley en route to 



trap in Southern California in 1859. Two years 
later Kispert returned and located 400 acres on 
George Creek and claimed all of its water rights. 
He built a small rock and adobe home and grew 
barley for the mines. In 1869 he brought his 16- 
year-old bride, Augusta, to his ranch from 
Minnesota. Captain George had a small ranch 
nearby that he later sold to Kispert. In 1873, 
following the Owens Valley earthquake, Kispert 
replaced his adobe cabin with a two-story wood 
frame Victorian-style house. After his death his 
wife sold the ranch to her son Charles and ran a 
boarding house in Independence until 1920 
(Wood 1977b: 113-1 14). 

John Shepherd, originally from Canada, arrived 
in the Owens Valley in 1864. After mining and 
hauling freight for a while, he maintained the 
stage stop at George's Creek and homesteaded 
160 acres about two miles north of the Kispert 
Ranch (Cragen 1975:136). While not along a 
creek, the area appears to have been well- 
watered: later historical accounts mention an 
artesian well under a big cottonwood tree near 
the old Shepherd Ranch (Gates 1977:105; Blanche 
Franier Wellington, Eastern California Museum 
files). Harriet Chaffey Payne, who lived in the 
house from 1905 to 1907, describes a flume and 
waterwheel near the house (Payne 1960). 

Shepherd built a small cabin of adobe brick 
covered with white plaster made from alkali 
collected from the east side of the valley (Shep- 
herd File, Eastern California Museum) and 
brought his 18-year-old wife Margaret and two 
children from Visalia to live there. He began a 
cattle ranching operation and grew alfalfa and 
grain for export to nearby mines. 

After the Owens Valley earthquake, Shepherd 
built a nine-room two-story Victorian-style ranch 
house (Figure 6.3). Wood for its construction 
was brought by wagon from Los Angeles and its 
elaborate white gabled exterior became a land- 
mark in the southern Owens Valley. An ornate 
fountain graced its front entrance and the house 
was surrounded by apple, walnut, cottonwood, 



127 




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~\ s v \ "V, 















■ 


\ 




_.;./. ,.-■ '.. 



\ - '-' •'!■' 



/ • v_,-^ 



■r 



\ 



*$ 



\ 






l_. 


Is: 

\ 

s 






\ 






\ 






I 



Figure 6.2. Structures (squares), roads (solid lines), and water courses (broken lines) from 1907 USGS 
30 minute map of Manzanar and vicinity (base map adapted from 1982 USGS 7.5 minute maps Bee 
Springs Canyon, Independence, Manzanar, and Union Wash, California). 



128 




Figure 6.3. John Shepherd's house (courtesy of Eastern California Museum). 



and poplar trees. The Shepherds had eight 
children, and the Shepherd Ranch became the 
center of much spirited social life and a stopping 
place for travelers and teamsters (Cragen 1975: 
166). 

Following disagreements over water rights, John 
Shepherd eventually bought out other ranchers 
in the area. His holdings grew to over 2,000 
acres and two-thirds of the water rights on 
Shepherd Creek (Figures 6.4 and 6.5). One of 
John Shepherd's sons, James Edward "Ed," built 
a house south of the Shepherd Ranch on land 
patented in 1872. 

In 1874 Shepherd obtained the contract to build 
a toll road from Owens Lake to the mining 
towns of Darwin and Panamint City. Shepherd 
employed a large Paiute work crew under the 
supervision of Captain George (Cragen 1975:166; 
Walton 1988:29). The road was finished by the 
end of 1875 and Shepherd served as toll collector 
(Cragen 1975:155). 



Shepherd also hired Paiute from a large camp to 
the west of his ranch. Located above irrigated 
land the camp consisted of tents and shelters 
made from tule reeds. Nearby was a reported 
burial ground (Manzanar File, Eastern California 
Museum). Some of the women winnowed grain 
and performed domestic tasks, while the men did 
irrigation work and other ranch chores. As was 
the custom in the valley, many of the Paiute 
took the Anglo surname of their employer, a 
sign of respect on the part of the Indians and of 
the paternalistic relationship which developed. 

According to his daughter, when John Shepherd 
died hundreds of Indians came to the Masonic 
Hall where his body was lying in state to hold 
their own ceremony prior to the funeral (Gunn 
1951). However, relations may not have been 
always amicable. Walton (1992:106, 109) inter- 
prets a fire started at the Shepherd Ranch by a 
Paiute worker as likely arson. Hay stacks, a hay 
press, granaries, and stables were threatened. 



129 




Figure 6.4. Land ownership in the Manzanar area, 1900 (data for eastern portion of map is incomplete). 



130 




8 / 






Shepherd 
(Chaffey 1905)\ ' 



Barbara 
Thaw 



James 
Margaret Shepherd 
Shepherd 




Mary \ 
Mulholland 

4\ 



Carrie \ 
Hunter \ 



W.L. 

Hunter\ 



Stevens 



r* akinner 



12 




Reynolds 



Figure 6.5. Land ownership in the Manzanar area, 1905 (data for eastern portion of map is incomplete). 



131 



The Paiute became an indispensable part of the 
labor force and contributed to the success of the 
Owens Valley farms and ranches with their 
knowledge of irrigated agriculture (Michael 
1993). The Paiute fields appropriated by early 
homesteaders were irrigated with water diverted 
from Sierran streams. In 1887 the Owens River 
itself was tapped to bring water to the George's 
Creek area. Col. Sherman Stevens, C:A. Skinner, 
and Mr. Jenkins began construction of a ditch 
(Stevens Ditch) to take water from the river 
above Independence and convey it south. The 
ditch was 15 miles long and reached an area east 
of the George's Creek settlement by 1893. 

Perhaps the most well-known resident of the 
George's Creek area was the author Mary 
Austin, who lived there in 1893. She and her 
husband, Stafford Wallace Austin came to Inyo 
County in 1892. Wallace was to manage an 
irrigation project to be built by his brother 
Frank near Lone Pine (Hoffman 1984:102). The 
project failed due to lack of capital and Wallace 
disappeared, possibly to go prospecting. Mary 
stayed on in Lone Pine a while, but was unsure 
when or whether Wallace would return. 
Pregnant with her only child, she returned to 
Bakersfield to live with her family. 

When Wallace Austin reappeared and got a 
teaching job at George's Creek in the spring of 
1893, Mary re-joined him. In her autobiography, 
Mary Austin mentions a Paiute camp up George 
Creek and sheepherders stopping at the creek on 
the way to and from summer pastures (Austin 
1932:248). The following school year the Austins 
moved to Lone Pine for a better paying teaching 
job. Wallace later became the registrar at the 
U.S. Land Office in Independence. Mary's 
experiences in the valley provided material for 
The Land of Little Rain (1974) and numerous 
short stories. 

There were other pioneering families in the 
George's Creek area. An oral history from John 
Shuey describes his family's early homesteading 
efforts along a now non-existent smaller creek 



north of the Manzanar area (Manzanar file, 
Eastern California Museum). 

William Lyle Hunter, who operated a pack train 
to Cerro Gordo, moved his family to George's 
Creek in 1866. Elected county clerk in 1884, he 
was later appointed county supervisor. He also 
owned the Hunter Mountain Ranch in the 
Panamint Range, where he employed a large 
group of Indians (Greene 1981). Hunter died in 
1902 at the age of 59 (Spear 1977:163-164). 

John H. Lubken homesteaded on George Creek 
in 1862. He later traded his ranch to John 
"Hans" Myers for the Lone Pine Brewery. 
Although heavily damaged in the 1872 earth- 
quake, the brewery generated a modest profit 
until it was closed in 1894. 



The Los Angeles Aqueduct 

Dozens of books and articles deal with the 
acquisition of water rights in the Owens Valley 
by the city of Los Angeles. Among the most 
prominent are those by Hoffman (1984), Kahrl 
(1982, 1988), Nadeau (1950), Sauder (1994), and 
Walton (1992). The following is a general 
summary of the water story from these ac- 
counts and others as it pertains to the early 
twentieth-century history of Manzanar. 

The Owens Valley was one of eight areas in 
California chosen by the newly-formed U.S. 
Reclamation Service (USRS) to investigate for 
large-scale irrigation suitability (Vorster 1992: 
275). Studies of water flow and availability 
began in June 1903 (Miller 1977:66), and 
Owens Valley residents hoped that eventually 
all of the Owens River would be impounded, 
so that thousands more acres could be brought 
under irrigation. But J.B. Lippincott, who 
headed the studies, soon recommended that the 
USRS data be turned over to Los Angeles. 

The idea to transport Owens Valley water to 
Los Angeles via an aqueduct was conceived by 
former Los Angeles mayor Fred Eaton and 



132 




Figure 6.6. Los Angeles Aqueduct under con- 
struction (LADWP photograph). 



w»Wfw««»^ 




Figure 6.7. Los Angeles Aqueduct outake on the 
Owens River (LADWP photograph). 



implemented by Eaton and Los Angeles chief 
engineer William Mulholland. Eaton had first 
traveled to the Owens Valley in 1892 as a 
potential investor for Frank Austin's Lone Pine 
irrigation project, which also brought Wallace 
and Mary Austin to the valley (Hoffman 
1984:102). The project was never funded. Perhaps 
coincidentally, Wallace later became one of the 
most outspoken critics of Los Angeles's actions 
(Hoffman 1984:101-102). 

In 1904, agents acting on behalf of Los Angeles 
(including Fred Eaton and William Mulholland) 
began buying the water options and rights-of- 



way necessary for the aqueduct. The agents were 
careful not to say for whom they were working 
until July 1905 when Los Angeles's plans were 
made public. The U.S. Reclamation Service 
formally withdrew from the Owens Valley 
Project in 1907. 

Lands had been withdrawn by the U.S. Reclama- 
tion Service prior to the beginning of their 
studies in the Owens Valley and Long Valley; 
Lands along the Owens River withdrawn by 
Executive Order in 1906 totaled 298,880 acres. 
Additional withdrawals were made for watershed 
protection in 1907 and 1908 with the establish- 
ment of the Inyo National Forest (Martin 1992). 
Ostrom (1953:127) notes that by 1945, "the 
Federal Government had withdrawn 672,954 
acres of public land from homestead entry to 
protect Los Angeles' water rights." 

Construction of what was for a time the longest 
aqueduct in the world began in 1907 (Figure 6.6 
and 6.7). Aqueduct construction fostered an 
extension of the Southern Pacific Railroad, and 
construction camps of up to 2,000 workers each 
were established along its route (Kilgore 1988). In 
1910 the Southern Pacific was completed to its 
northernmost point at Owenyo, five miles north 
of Lone Pine where it connected to the old 
Carson and Colorado narrow gauge line which 
had been purchased by Southern Pacific in 1900 
(Los Angeles Board of Public Service Commis- 
sioners 1916:93). The aqueduct was completed in 
1913, ahead of schedule and under budget 
(Vorster 1992:275). 



George Chaffey and the 
Owens Valley Improvement Company 

The announcement of the Los Angeles Aque- 
duct project coincided with noted developer 
George Chaffey's (Figure 6.8) attempts to 
develop Sierran streams for a new agricultural 
"Irrigation Colony" in the Owens Valley. 
George Chaffey was a successful water devel- 
oper in his own right. He was born in 1848 in 



133 




figure 6.8. Manzanar founder, George Chaffey 
ca. 1910 (from Alexander 1928). 

Brockville, Canada. In 1878 his father retired to 
Riverside and brought two of his sons and a 
daughter with him. George visited once and 
never returned to Canada, but instead went into 
business with his brothers. In 1881 the Chaffey 
Brothers founded Etiwanda, an irrigation colony 
in southern California. The colony was subdi- 
vided into 10- acre blocks, and water was trans- 
ported to houses and fields in cement pipes, an 
innovation for the time. The Chaffeys revolu- 
tionized irrigation systems in California by 
assuring equal access to water for all users in 
their communities. Water rights were held by a 
mutual water company, with each landowner 
getting one share per acre. Landowners shared 
equally in good years and droughts, and cooper- 
ated rather than compete for water. 



In 1882 George Chaffey developed the first 
hydroelectric plant in California. The same year 
the Chaffey Brothers founded Ontario, Califor- 
nia, and became so well-known that in 1886 the 
brothers were recruited to work in Australia 
setting up irrigation colonies at Mildura and 
Renmark. 

In 1898, George Chaffey returned to Ontario, 
then in the midst of a water shortage due to 
rapid growth and a drought. Chaffey gained new 
renown by securing additional water supplies for 
the city. In 1900-1901 he pulled the California 
Development Company from near bankruptcy, 
completed the first canal from the Colorado 
River to the Imperial Valley, and founded the 
towns of Mexicali, Calexico, and Imperial. 

In the early 1900s George Chaffey started the 
First National Bank of Imperial, the First 
National Bank of Ontario, the American Savings 
Bank of Los Angeles, and the First National 
Bank of Upland, and set up developments in the 
East Whittier and the La Habra Valley areas of 
southern California (Alexander 1928). 

In September 1905 Chaffey took options on 
Cottonwood Creek 20 miles south of Manzanar. 
He intended to use the water for another large 
irrigation project and to generate hydroelectric 
power for an electric railroad to Los Angeles. 
Earlier, in July, George's brother, Charles 
Francis Chaffey, had purchased the Shepherd 
Ranch and the water rights to Shepherd and 
Bairs Creeks for a reported $25,000. Charles 
moved his family of eight to the ranch in 
September where they lived until 1907. After 
that a succession of company farm superinten- 
dents took over management of the property and 
lived at the ranch. 

The Chaffeys formed the Sierra Securities 
Company, with George Chaffey as president. 
Over the next five years, properties adjacent to 
the Shepherd Ranch were acquired for a total of 
about 3,500 acres (Figure 6.9). The Inyo Indepen- 
dent (September 16, 1910) stated that Chaffey 's 



134 




Figure 6.9. Land ownership in the Manzanar area, 1910. 



135 



■ 



- . 

1. J' I" 







Figure 6 10. Manzanar Irrigation system and other pipelines and wells in the Manzanar area 
(information compiled from 1929 LADWP plat maps; base map adapted from 1982 USGS 7.5 minute 



maps 



Bee Springs Canyon, Independence, Manzanar, and Union Wash, California). 



136 



interests owned "one-third of the water in 
George's Creek, all of Bair Creek, all of Shep- 
herd Creek and two-thirds of Independence 
Creek. Besides this they have a natural artesian 
belt three miles long running along the prop- 
erty. 

Land holdings and water rights were transferred 
from the Sierra Securities Company to the 
Owens Valley Improvement Company (OVI), 
formed by the Chaff eys in September 1910. A 
concrete pipe manufacturing operation was 
begun and a system of concrete and steel gravity- 
flow irrigation pipes was constructed to carry 
water from Shepherd and Bairs Creeks to the 
development, which was to include both farms 
and a townsite (Figure 6.10). 

Plat maps for the Owens Valley Improvement 
Company's Subdivision No. 1 (2,000 acres), 
Subdivision No. 2 (1,000 acres), and the Manza- 
nar townsite were prepared in August 1910 and 
filed November 15, 1910. The 3,000 subdivision 
acres were divided into 140 lots. The townsite, 
composed of 160 acres within Subdivision No. 1, 
was divided into 312 smaller lots (Figures 6.11 
and 6.12). 

The townsite was centered on Independence 
Avenue (now U.S. Highway 395) and Francis 
Street (presently the Manzanar-Reward Road), 
and surrounded by the larger farm parcels. The 
main north-south road in the area was originally 
one mile east of downtown, but was moved to 
be more centered on the subdivision (Inyo 
County Recorders Office Records). Streets laid 
out parallel to Independence Avenue included 
Inyo Avenue (one mile east), Baxter Avenue (one 
mile west), and Western Avenue (two miles 
west). East-west streets, at one mile intervals 
from north to south, were named Hord, Spring, 
Nanson, Centre, Francis, Valley, Whittier, and 
Shepherd. 

Called the Manzanar Irrigated Farms, the 
development was advertised by agents in San 
Francisco and Los Angeles and promoted 



through brochures which touted the potential for 
success and wealth at the new colony because of 
its fine soil, abundant water, favorable climate, 
and proximity to markets. Parcels often, twenty, 
and forty acres were offered for sale at $150 and 
up. Parcels included ownership of one share per 
acre in the Manzanar Water Company and the 
services of a zanjero, or water distributor. 
Irrigation water was to be delivered to the 
highest point of each parcel; water for domestic 
use would come from wells. 

Planting of apple and pear trees was begun by 
the Owens Valley Improvement Company and 
by 1912 over 20,000 trees had been planted. The 
Owens Valley Improvement Company would 
plant and care for apple trees for absentee 
landowners (Sauder 1994:128). 

A general store, blacksmith shop, and commu- 
nity hall were built. By 1912 most of the roads 
were graded, Baxter Avenue was no longer 
swampy, and a bridge over Stevens ditch was 
completed (Letter to OVI president and board of 
directors, May 16, 1912, Eastern California 
Museum files). The Manzanar railroad station 
(originally named Francis) was a modified boxcar 
four miles east of town along the narrow gauge 
Carson and Colorado track (Figure 6.13); a 
wagon and team of mules made round trips for 
freight and passengers. 

Buyers, some with little or no previous agricul- 
tural experience, arrived from points as distant as 
Missouri and Indiana and from nearby Indepen- 
dence and Lone Pine. While most had purchased 
the property they farmed, others farmed lands 
for absentee owners. Primary agricultural 
products were apples, pears, peaches, alfalfa, 
grain, poultry, and bee-keeping. Initially, markets 
for these products were in the neighboring towns 
and the mining areas in the eastern Owens 
Valley and Nevada. As the mines went into 
decline, however, more of the products left the 
Valley by railroad, either through Tonopah and 
Goldfield to northern markets, or to Mojave and 
Los Angeles. The trip south, however, was made 



137 



SWHMVIMON NO I 
OV.'KNS VALI.KY IMITWn'tMF.NT CO 

MANZANA1 -~- 







figure 6.11. Owens Valley Improvement Company's Subdivision No. 1 and No. 2 (courtesy of Eastern 

California Museum). 

13o 



THE 
TOWN OF 



it 



MANZANAR 



AUGUST 
1910 



jr / 



J? 1 



MAN2ANITA 



STREET 



W 
W 



cr 



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1 | 1 


1 II II i . i 



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w, 



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-U3I 



Hi 



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ii 1 1 n 1 1 r 1 1 • i m 1 1 1 1 M 



INDEPENDENCE., 



AVENUE 



lililLi ' ' • 1 ! I !J,I I 
1 1 1 1 1 





X 


U 


XJ 


i.1 

■ ■ 


u 


i 

U 



STREET 



Figure 6.12. Manzanar townsite plat map (courtesy of Eastern California Museum). 



in unrefrigerated cars and required costly 
reloading from the narrow to the broad gauge 
line at Owenyo or hauling to Lone Pine to pick 
up the broad gauge directly. 

The irrigation system devised by Chaffey was the 
first water conservation project in Owens Valley; 



previously only unlined ditches were used. Even 
so, there were early problems in supplying 
irrigation water to the new arrivals. In a letter to 
OVI president George Chaffey and the board of 
directors (OVI, May 16, 1912, Eastern California 
Museum files), it was noted that two sharehold- 
ers claimed they had no water last year and 



139 




Figure 6.13. Manzanar Railroad Depot (courtesy of Eastern California 
Museum) . 



could not plant crops, and two others did not 
have their promised connections. 

In 1912, the Manzanar School District was 
formed with one teacher in the elementary 
school and another added later. High school 
students were bused to Independence. In 1916, a 
reported 29 pupils were enrolled; by the early 
1920s, enrollment exceeded of fifty students as 
the school reached its peak enrollment following 
the closure of the school at George's Creek. 

A lively social life grew up in the community 
and centered around the town hall, where Farm 
Bureau meetings were followed by potluck 
dinners and dancing to live music provided by 
local musicians. Other community activities 
included town picnics in a grove of cottonwood 
trees (possibly at the old Shepherd Ranch), ice- 
skating on the Los Angeles aqueduct, and 
baseball games with the Manzanar team in 
uniform against nearby towns. 

In July 1916 the Manzanar Water Company was 
bought by the Owens Valley Improvement 
Company which then constructed a large system 
of inverted tile drainage ditches (California 
Development Board 1917; Gorman 1967; Smith 
1977). The system, the only one of its kind in 



the Owens Valley, was designed to stop the 
build-up of alkali which had made large areas 
elsewhere in the valley unproductive (Kahrl 
1982:256-257). 



The Town of Manzanar 

The 1920 Census shows a total Inyo County 
population of 7,031 residents and a Manzanar 
population of 203. Of the 57 Manzanar- 
George's Creek area households surveyed, 42 
were owners of their property, and 15 were 
renters. Nine Indians were listed; the rest of 
the population was white, with predominantly 
northern European ethnic backgrounds. Most 
gave farming as their occupation. (Census 
Bureau 1920). 

By the 1920s Manzanar boasted a general store/ 
post office, a town hall, a garage, an ice cream 
stand, a cannery, a lumber yard, a two-room 
school house, and over 25 homes (Figure 6.14 
and 6.15). Apples, pears, peaches, potatoes, 
alfalfa and other crops were grown on nearly 
5,000 acres surrounding the settlement (Gor- 
man 1967; Manzanar file, Eastern California 
Museum) . 

The store was located on the northwest corner 



140 





.': 






141 



*,ephord Cr 



UJO 



3 °>J_ 




G a o i- g e c , ,, I 





142 




Figure 6.16. Manzanar Store (courtesy of Eastern California Museum). 




Figure 6.17. Manzanar Garage (courtesy of Eastern California Museum). 



of Francis Street and Independence Avenue 
(Figure 6.16). It also served as the town post 
office and had the area's only telephone. 
Originally owned by the Hatfields, it was 
purchased in 1918 by the Bandhauer family, who 
owned it until 1924 when the property was 
purchased by Los Angeles. The Bandhauers 
constructed a home on the north side of the 
store facing the main highway about 1918. Just 
north of the store was a small lean-to known as 
the "Wickiup," which served ice cream and cold 
drinks to travelers passing through on the main 
road between Lone Pine and Independence. A 
short-lived blacksmith shop was located north of 
the Wickiup. 

East across the highway from the store was a 



garage with gas pumps. Its construction date is 
unknown, but it was built, according to the 
Shelley family who owned it, of blocks made 
from native sand and cement (Figure 6.17). South 
of the store, at the southwest corner of Francis 
Street and Independence Avenue, was the 
community hall (Figure 6.18). The community 
hall also functioned as a packing house, and 
housed OVI offices, a library, and living quar- 
ters. Called simply "The Hall" by the locals, it 
was also the scene of weddings, funerals, church 
services, and Ladies Aid Society meetings. 

Differing accounts place the cannery just south 
of the Community Hall on Independence 
Avenue or to the west on Francis Street. The 
Water Company Office was a small building, by 



143 




Figure 6.18. Manzanar Community Hall (courtesy of Eastern California 
Museum) . 




Figure 6.19. Manzanar School (courtesy of Eastern California Museum). 



some accounts located west of the Community 
Hall on Francis Street; either this building or the 
cannery was destroyed by a windstorm in 1923. 
Two lumber yards are mentioned in oral 
histories of the Manzanar area; one was owned 
by G. W. Dow, but no mention of any struc- 
tures connected with either have been found. 
The Manzanar School, constructed in 1911-1912, 
was located west of downtown on Francis Street 
(Figure 6.19). Between the School and downtown 
was the Lacey House. 



Homes in the surrounding subdivision included 
corrals, small fields, fruit orchards, and vegetable 
gardens. The R.A. Wilder Home was located on 
the south side of Francis Street, about one-half 
mile west of the school. A frame structure, it 
burned in 1921 and was replaced with a concrete 
block home, reportedly one of a few built at that 
time (Smith 1977:104-105). It was known for its 
indoor plumbing. The Wilder's block house, and 
probably the others, was built by Roy Welling- 
ton, who came to Manzanar for the construction 



144 



and left in 1923 (Ruth W. Perry, Eastern 
California Museum files). 

Sir Ralph Paget, an English diplomat, purchased 
100 acres at Manzanar and developed a pear 
orchard. John Rotharmel of Bavaria managed the 
ranch for Paget, who visited only a few times to 
much fanfare (Elinore Rotharmel, Eastern 
California Museum files). 



The Owens Valley Water War 

There was an uneasy coexistence between 
Owens Valley residents and Los Angeles from 
1913 to 1919, when the city only exported 
surplus water. Local farmers prospered as farm 
prices rose with the increased demands of 
World War I. 

But Los Angeles, after several years of drought 
and exponential population growth, determined 
it needed to increase its delivery of water from 
the Owens Valley beyond the initial water 
rights purchased in the 1910s. The city began 
buying up more land in Owens Valley in order 
to secure additional stream and groundwater 
rights. By 1919 there were 50 wells for emer- 
gency aqueduct use on city land in the Owens 
Valley (Finley 1926). Air compressors were 
installed to augment the artesian flow and in 
1924 Los Angeles began continuous groundwater 
pumping. By 1926 over 50 new wells were 
constructed in the Independence area alone 
(Kahrl 1982:254). 

Owens Valley residents began to see a threat to 
their livelihood, and initiated a resistance 
movement with two objectives: to restrain city 
purchases and to insure continued agricultural 
production in the valley. The first phase of the 
resistance movement relied on conventional 
protests and legal challenges. 

In 1923 Los Angeles began large-scale land and 
water rights purchases and broke three small 
diversion dams to reclaim water. Valley residents 
alleged that Los Angeles was "checkerboarding," 



i.e. buying up scattered parcels that would 
pressure adjacent neighbors to sell. Further, Los 
Angeles's actions were seen as destroying not 
only farming and ranching operations in the 
Owens Valley, but also the businesses that had 
developed in the towns to serve them. Even 
those residents who had abandoned hope of 
retaining agricultural production in the valley 
believed that Los Angeles should pay reparations 
for lost businesses as well as lost fields. Many 
residents just wanted out under reasonable terms. 

On May 21, 1924, an open revolt was signaled 
when the Los Angeles Aqueduct was dynamited 
near the Alabama Gates. On November 16, 1924, 
several hundred valley residents took control of 
the Alabama Gates and diverted the entire flow 
of the aqueduct back into the Owens River (Wal- 
ton 1988). As planned, local law enforcement 
agencies refused to intervene: the locals hoped 
the Governor would send state troops, which 
would help publicize their cause, but in vain. 

Convinced they had won concessions, the 
crowds dispersed after a meeting between leaders 
of the resistance movement and Los Angeles 
officials. The concessions, mostly vague promises 
that Los Angeles would look into the matter of 
reparations, served to placate the valley residents 
and send the sympathetic press back home. 

With the pressure off, Los Angeles stepped up 
purchases, determined to buy enough of the 
valley to reduce opposition. While reparations as 
such did not materialize, these purchases partially 
arose out of valley residents' litigation and 
demands that Los Angeles take action to alleviate 
the hardships brought on by the loss of jobs and 
the depreciation of remaining properties. Los 
Angeles eventually purchased nearly all the 
remaining farm properties and 88 percent of the 
town properties in the Owens Valley (Ostrom 
1953). 

Meanwhile, the aqueduct was guarded by a 
private police force of up to 500. Nevertheless, 
sabotage continued: in 1927 alone there were 



145 



over seven dynamitings of the aqueduct. Local 
resistance finally collapsed with the failure of the 
Watterson Brothers' Inyo County Bank. The 
Watterson Brothers, leaders and major financiers 
of the resistance movement, were charged and 
convicted of embezzling $800,000 of bank funds. 
The bank funds were mostly the savings of 
Owens Valley residents, put there following the 
sale of their properties to the City. The loss of 
many citizens' financial viability and the betrayal 
of the trust that people had in the Wattersons 
was an important morale factor in the collapse of 
the resistance, and created even more bitterness 
and hardship in the Valley. 



Farewell to Manzanar 

Shortly after Manzanar was founded in 1910 
Los Angeles started litigation against George 
Chaffey's Owens Valley water rights filings. 
Settlement of the legal battles split the water 
rights to the creeks supplying Manzanar be- 
tween the Manzanar and Los Angeles. But the 
court-ordered compromise did not provide 
enough water to assure Manzanar's growth. 

Contrary to the glowing promises of the 
development's promoters, Manzanar had not 
prospered as expected. By the 1920s less than 
half of the subdivision lots, and only about 
one-third of the smaller town lots, had been 
sold (Figures 6.20 and 6.21). 

The quality of Owens Valley fruit was 
renowned throughout the state, and the quan- 
tity in a good year was beyond expectations. 
But late frosts and untimely strong winds pre- 
vented the farmers from realizing consistent 
profits over the years. In addition, the problem 
of distant markets persisted as freighting costs 
increased and competition from the Imperial 
and San Joaquin Valleys forced lower profits 
onto the Manzanar farmers. 

Meanwhile, J.B. Lippincott had left the U.S. 
Reclamation Service and was working for Los 
Angeles. His fight against Chaffey on Los 



Angeles's behalf included character assassination 
(earlier Lippincott had so embarrassed Wallace 
Austin that Austin resigned his job). Lippincott 
alleged that Chaffey was only a land speculator 
waiting to sell out to Los Angeles, and accused 
Chaffey of fraud in his earlier endeavors (Kahrl 
1982:220-221). 

Beginning in 1921, post war depression hit 
farmers hard and within a few years many were 
willing to sell out for the high amounts Los 
Angeles was offering (Vorster 1992:279). Caught 
between economic difficulties and dwindling 
confidence in the future, Manzanar residents 
became more receptive to Los Angeles's over- 
tures. 

In 1922 Los Angeles acquired a toe-hold in the 
Manzanar community with the purchase of the 
Wilder Farm (the Wilder House was later used 
by the LADWP Manzanar farm superintendent). 
Manzanar's fate was sealed on January 31, 1924, 
when Los Angeles bought the Owens Valley 
Improvement Company, which owned the 
Manzanar Water Company. The Inyo Register 
reported on December 4, 1924, that Manzanar 
was "doomed to destruction," since Los Angeles 
had bought the streams used for its irrigation. 
The "two-teacher school will next year have but 
seven pupils." 

Property owners at Manzanar had lived with the 
possibility of this action for many months, and 
reactions to it ranged from relief and eagerness to 
sell to anger and a feeling that they had been 
betrayed by Los Angeles, by the OVI, and even 
by their neighbors. Over 37 other Manzanar area 
properties were purchased by Los Angeles in 
1924 (Table 6.1). Many were sold with the 
provision that the residents would keep their 
property until the fruit harvest, although there 
was no guarantee of water (Inyo County 
Recorder's Office Records). 

Only a few Manzanar residents sold out to Los 
Angeles in 1925 and 1926, but many did in 1927, 
with the collapse of the resistance movement. 



146 




Figure 6.20. Land ownership in the Manzanar area, 1920; with date of purchase by Los Angeles. 



147 



School 



1 


Private Property 















OVI property 

















ROSE 


















. 




















' 




























> 














HOWARD 










> 





















































































STREET 



^ 



=rr 




FRANCIS 



STREET 





















































































STREET 



l .:.: : .. 13 



— 



■— — — 




~~~ I 



- — ; — 
J I 1 I 1 






LOCUST 








STREET 




















w 




% 














m. 


w 







The Town of Manzanar 



71 





w 


p 


9 


w 


HP 




■ 


■ 


IP 


fl 



Figure 6.21. Private property and Owens Valley Improvement Company owned lots within the 
Manzanar townsite, ca. 1910. 



The few remaining properties left in the 
Manzanar area were purchased by Los Angeles in 
1929. 



Los Angeles as Landlord 

i^26 report, LADWP pointed ou 
deficiencies of the land they had acquir 
Manzanar: out of 3,500 acres, only 1,200 



In a 



were developed, and these were in poor condi- 
tion because of the acute water shortage just 
prior to the city's purchases in August 1924. 
Over 80 acres of pear trees had to be removed 
because of blight, and there was only enough 
water to irrigate 1,000 acres (LA Times 6/13/26; 
Eastern California Museum files). 



acres ^Y ^27 Los Angeles had become owner and 



148 



absentee farmer of most Manzanar properties. 
Many farmers who had sold to the City immedi- 
ately leased their properties back and continued 
farming; a farm superintendent was hired by Los 
Angeles to oversee those properties under 
cultivation and now without farmers, and 
tenants were actively sought. The reasons for this 
policy are not entirely clear from the sources at 
hand. Perhaps the value of the agricultural 
enterprise at Manzanar could not be discounted 
as a means of recouping some of the costs of the 
land purchases. In addition, there was certainly 
the public relations aspect of keeping the farmers 
in business and maintaining agriculture in the 
valley wherever possible. 

Vic Christopher, who had previously managed 
the Owens Valley Improvement Company, was 
kept on as the farm supervisor for Los Angeles, 
occupying the former Wilder home (LA Times 
Farm and Orchard Magazine 11/20/27). The City 
continued to run the packing house, hiring local 
and out of state workers and shipping the fruit 
out of the Valley under its own label. 

Los Angeles was even willing to invest in its 
Manzanar holdings, replacing a one mile-long 
section of one of the towns pipelines with a 
concrete-lined ditch. Los Angeles reportedly 
made a $14,134.47 profit from its Manzanar 
farms in 1927 (LA Times Farm and Orchard 
Magazine 11/20/27). 

Many of the houses vacated by the farmers were 
rented to LADWP employees and other workers 
from Independence; several were purchased and 
moved to Independence and Lone Pine. 



Abandonment 

"Ten years ago, this was a wonderful valley ... now 
this is the valley of desolation." 

Will Rogers referring to the 
Owens Valley, August 25, 1932 

In 1930 LADWP adopted a policy of abandoning 
its Owens Valley ranches and farms to conserve 
water. Leases were not renewed, groundwater 
pumping was increased, and orchards and 
farmlands were allowed to dry up. With the final 
decline of agriculture in the Owens Valley, its 
economy after the mid- 1930s then shifted to an 
emphasis and eventual dependency on tourism 
and recreation. 

The post office at Manzanar was closed on 
January 1, 1930, and in 1934, the last two 
families at Manzanar moved to Lone Pine. In 
1935 the Manzanar School District joined with 
the Independence School District to become a 
unified district, and the Manzanar school was 
closed. In 1936 John Shepherd's daughter, Eva 
Lee Gunn, asked her friend, Ralph Merritt, to 
drive her to Manzanar so she could watch the 
intentional burning of her old home (LA Daily 
News 3/25/42). 

On October 6, 1941, by a resolution of the Inyo 
County Board of Supervisors, all streets, alleys, 
and lanes in the town of Manzanar were 
officially abandoned. In 1942, a request for a 
petition seeking the abandonment of the 
Manzanar townsite by the Los Angeles Depart- 
ment of Water and Power for tax purposes was 
deferred "pending the national emergency." 
World events assured Manzanar would not be 
abandoned for long ... . 



149 



Table 6.1. 
LADWP land purchases in the Manzanar vicinity (T14S, R35E, 
MDM) between 1920 and 1929 (compiled from LADWP plat maps, 
LADWP Land Division files, Inyo County Recorder's Office 
Records, and other sources). 





Year 






Purchase 


Property 


Purchased 


Section(s) 


Acreage 


Price 


Abbott, G. 


1926 


2, 11 


20 


$6,300 


Aberrathy, A. 


1927 


15 


279 


$42,000 


Albers, C. 


1926 


22, 23 


360 


$65,000 


Bandhauer, R. 


1925 


10, 11 


26 


$13,000 


Bogart, W. 


1927 


10, 11 


20 


$8,000 


Bristol, R. 


1924 


15 


40 


$1,670 


Burton, M. 


1924 


10 


40 


$4,500 


Butterfield, C. 


unk 


9 


20 


$300 


Cady, M. 


1925 


10 


10 


$2,500 


Campbell, L. 


1924 


10, 15 


23 


$13,000 


Capps, J.B. 


1924 


15 


17 


$4,000 


Capps, E.C. 


1924 


15 


10 


$6,500 


Caslin, W.M. 


1924 


11 


16 


$1,875 


Careu, P. 


1924 


3, 4 


25 


$4,500 


Chamberland, R. 


1927 


3 


10 


$1,500 


Christopher, V. 


1924 


10 


60 


$12,500 


Cornelius, L. 


unk 


10 


5 


$2,500 


Correll, P. 


1924 


4 


30 


$3,545 


Crist, C. 


1924 


4 


160 


$2,400 


Dow, G. 


1924 


3 


40 


$17,800 


Folger, F. 


1924 


15 


20 


$4,000 


Glade, N. 


1924 


11 


16 


$2,600 


Glade, W. 


1924 


• 23 


120 


$4,000 


Graham, R. 


1924 


10 


18 


$6,500 


Hatfield, I. 


1925 


10 


38 


$8,250 


Hay, T. 


unk 


22, 23, 26, 27 


400 


$51,500 


Hillbrem, W. 


1924 


10 


10 


$4,500 


Hillman, E. 


1924 


3, 4 


60 


$7,065 


Hurley, P. 


1924 


14 


5 


$1,000 


Keese, S. 


1924 


3 


15 


$4,000 


Kreider, C. 


1924 


9, 10 


33 


$7,000 


Lacey, A. 


1927 


14, 23 


460 


$83,500 


Lafon, W. 


1924 


10, 15 


27 


$8,000 


Lenbek, H. 


unk 


10 


5 


$7,000 


Lennington, B. 


1924 


4 


7 


$3,000 


Low, G. 


1924 


11, 14, 15 


50 


$11,250 


Lydston, W. 


1924 


10 


5 


$2,300 


McSaca, J. 


1927 


3 


30 


$8,250 


Mager, J. 


unk 


10 


5 


$2,000 


Mairs, J. P. 


1924 


11 


17 


$5,700 


Manzanar Church 


unk 


10 


<1 


$400 


Metzger, J. 


1927 


4 


20 


$8,250 


Meyers, M. 


1924 


10 


40 


$14,000 


Miller, S. 


1929 


3 


10 


$575 


Mooney, T. 


1924 


4 


20 


$900 


Nail, L. 


1925 


3, 10 


32 


$8,250 


Nelson, E. 


1929 


11 


5 


$1,500 


Nelson, I 


1924 


3 


16 


$3,750 


OVI Company 


1924 


various 


2,270 


$320,220 


Paget, R. 


1924 


14, 15 


120 


$40,000 


Parker, G. 


1924 


11 


33 


$9,000 


Parker, E. 


1924 


10 


33 


$4,000 


Pierce, B. 


unk 


11 


10 


$987 


Smith, P.N. 


1924 


15 


10 


$2,000 


Smith, J. P. 


1924 


10, 15 


20 


$8,000 


Strohmeyer, E. 


1927 


11 


33 


$13,000 


Stevens, A. 


1924 


10 


34 


$22,000 


Tournite 


unk 


10 


<1 


unk 


U.S.A. 


1928 


3, 14 


30 


$3,650 


Watterson Bros. 


1927 


4 


20 


$2,800 


Willson, E. 


1924 


3 


15 


$2,650 


Wilder, J.G. 


1924 


10 


20 


$5,400 


Wilder, R.A. 


1922 


10 


35 


$17,000 



150 



Chapter 7 



Ethnography and Prehistory 

Jeffery F. Burton and Mary M. Farrell 




To provide a contextual framework for 
consideration of the Native American 
Indian sites at Manzanar National Historic 
Site, an overview of the ethnography of the 
Owens Valley is provided, previous archeological 
work in the region is summarized, and the 
prehistory of the Owens Valley is reviewed. For 
a summary of Native American consultations 
and an ethnographic assessment the reader is 
referred to Van Horn (1995). 



Ethnography 

Ethnographic information on the inhabitants of 
the Owens Valley is found in works by Coville 
(1892), Irwin (1980), Kroeber (1925), Merriam 
(1955), Steward (1930, 1933, 1934, 1938, and 
others), and Stewart (1939, 1941). There are 
several excellent reviews of what is known about 
the ethnography of the region in Forest Service 
(Bettinger 1982a) and Bureau of Land Manage- 
ment overviews (Busby et al. 1980). No attempt 
is made here to recapitulate all known ethno- 
graphic information, but rather what follows is 
an outline of a few ideas that are especially 
pertinent. 

The predominant inhabitants of the eastern 
Sierra region at the time of Euroamerican contact 
were the Paiute and Shoshone, Numic speakers 
of the Uto-Aztecan language family. The Owens 



Valley Paiute term for themselves meaning, of 
course, "the people" has been transcribed as ni- 
mi (Walter 1986:35) and Niim" Steward (1933: 
235). 

The territory of the Owens Valley Paiute 
encompassed the area bounded on the west by 
the Sierra Nevada crest, Owens Lake to the 
south, the crest of the Inyo Mountains to the 
east, and Long Valley on the north (Steward 
1933, 1938). The Miwok, Western Mono, and 
Tiibatulabal occupied the lands to the west, the 
Shoshone were to the south and east, and the 
Mono Lake Paiute lived to the north. 

The Owens Valley Paiute were relatively 
sedentary for a Great Basin group, with year- 
round occupation in permanent villages located 
along streams flowing from the Sierra Nevada. 
Short-term visits were made to temporary camps 
for resource procurement. 

Walter (1986) points out, however, that all 
ethnographic information about the Owens 
Valley Paiute was gathered after they had moved 
to camps near towns to earn their living doing 
ranch work and domestic labor. Some of the 
settlement and migration patterns noted were 
likely already influenced by this wage labor. 
Archeologists have been testing the settlement 
model forwarded by Steward to see how well it 



151 



fits the data for the protohistoric and earlier 
periods. For example, Bettinger (1982b) has 
found some archeological evidence of territori- 
ality among the Owens Valley Paiute. 



The Manzanar Area 

Manzanar National Historic Site is situated 
between two sub-groups recognized by Steward 
(1933:map 1): the Tunuhuwitu, centered on 
Oak Creek north of the present town of Inde- 
pendence, and the Pakwazinatu, placed along 
the southern margin of Owens Lake. Steward 
shows three villages in the area between Shep- 
herd and George Creeks, from north to south: 
Tanova witii (salt brush place), Tiipiizi witii (a 
type of seed plant [probably Brodiaea capitata] 
place), and Tsagapii witii (black willow place) 
on the north side of George Creek (Figure 7.1). 

But the area depicted in Steward's map is so 
large that locations are only very general. In 
fact, in a later publication, Steward (1938) 
reverses the location names: Tiipiizi witii is 
shown on George Creek and Tsagapii witii is 
on Shepherd Creek. A third, unnamed village 
is shown on George Creek, a little down 
stream from Tsagapii witii. In any event, the 
villages may have been allied, sharing territory 
and cooperating in irrigation projects and 
rabbit hunts (Steward 1938:51). Steward esti- 
mated their combined population at 200. 

Historical accounts mention a village at George 
Creek (the creek being named for Paiute leader 
Captain George) and a village above the Shep- 
herd Ranch (Eastern California Museum files). 



Sociopolitical Organization 

Wilke and Lawton (1976) estimate an indige- 
nous population of 2,000 for the Owens Valley 
as a whole, based on information from the 
1859 Davidson expedition. A single large 
village or a group of smaller allied villages (25 
to 250 people, including a number of families) 
formed an autonomous district. The more 



populated and larger districts were generally 
located in the northern Owens Valley, where 
several streams converge; the smaller districts 
occurred in the southern Owens Valley, where 
streams were spaced farther apart. 

Each district was led by a person Steward (1933) 
called a headman; historical accounts also use the 
terms "captain" and "chief." Unlike that of other 
groups in the region, leadership among the 
Owens Valley Paiute was hereditary (Liljeblad 
and Fowler 1986). Headmen were responsible for 
organizing communal work projects, such as 
irrigation, and may have been responsible for the 
redistribution of resource surpluses, as well as to 
fulfill other social functions (for a more complete 
discussion, the reader is referred to Bettinger and 
King 1971). Leadership was not autocratic, 
however, as decisions were subject to popular 
approval. 

Hunting by individuals was not bound by 
territorial restriction, but communal hunting 
took place only within a district's recognized 
territory. This territory was controlled and 
would be defended against other groups en- 
croaching. During the war with white settlers, 
districts banded together: the Big Pine headman 
led northern groups, and the George's Creek 
headman led southern groups (Steward 1938). 



Subsistence 

Major resources exploited in the Owens Valley 
include seeds, roots and greens, pine nuts, 
irrigated plants, insects, small game, fish, deer 
and mountain sheep, antelope and jackrabbit, 
and waterfowl. The population occupied 
permanent villages, but small groups made 
frequent short-term visits to temporary camps 
for resource procurement. 

Temporary riverine camps were used in the 
spring for communal fishing, collecting roots 
and greens, trapping small game, and collecting 
fresh water mussels. 



152 




Trail 

PivlcU 



Figure 7.1. Paiute subdivisions and boundaries (from Steward 1933:Map 1). 



153 




Figure 7.2. Paiute irrigation system near present-day Bishop (from 
Steward 1930:150). 



Summer and fall were geared toward stockpiling 
food for winter. Rice grass, chia, small game and 
fish, and seeds from rushes along creeks were 
early summer resources, and a variety of seeds, 
gathered with seed beaters and collecting trays 
became available in mid-summer on the valley 
floor. 

In late summer small groups would establish 
camps north of Owens Valley to collect Pandora 
moth larvae (Coloradia pandora). This moth uses 
Jeffrey pine as a host during part of its two-year 
life cycle: larvae hatch and ascend the trees to 
spend the winter, descending in late summer to 
burrow into the ground. The caterpillars were 
trapped on their descent, collected from trenches 
dug around bases of trees, and roasted, dried, and 
stored. 

Temporary camps at Owens Lake were used to 
collect brine-fly larvae (Hydropyrus hians). Adult 
flies lay eggs that overwinter in the lake; the 
larvae develop into pupae washed ashore by the 
millions. These were collected from windrows 
along the shore, dried, and stored. 



In the fall small groups of two or three families 
would establish temporary camps in upland 
pinyon groves to harvest pinyon {Pinus mono- 
phylla) nuts. Depending on the abundance of the 
crop, the groups would either overwinter there 
or transport the harvest to the valley villages. 

Fall also included a week of gambling, dancing, 
communal rabbit and antelope drives, and deer 
hunting. Food stored over the summer and fall 
supplied most of the winter meals. 



Irrigation 

Bettinger (1982a:25) asserts that in initial labor 
investment, irrigation exceeded all other subsis- 
tence activities. That the irrigated crops were 
important is substantiated by the hunger and 
violence that arose when the first white set- 
tlers' cattle invaded the fields. 

Communally constructed and maintained 
systems of ditches and diversion dams tapped 
Sierran streams to flood areas of wild plants for 
later harvesting (Lawton et al. 1976). Although 
this horticulture apparently did not include the 



154 




Figure 7.3. Distribution of Paiute irrigation in 
the Owens Valley (from Lawton et al. 1976: 
Figure 11). 

sowing of seeds, the irrigation increased plant 
productivity and likely expanded the range of 
favored plants beyond what would have occurred 
naturally. The principle irrigated crops were 
yellow nut-grass (Cyperus esculentus) and wild 
hyacinth {Dichelostemma pulchella), but other 
food plants were encouraged as well (Lawton et 
al 1976). Tilling of the soil was accomplished 
using a digging stick when tubers were dug up. 

The nature and extent of the irrigation systems 
in the Owens Valley is unclear. Those ditches 



recorded vary in length from 3/10 mile to 8 
miles long, and fields near Bishop were two and 
five square miles in size (Bettinger 1982a:25; 
Steward 1930; Figure 7.2). There were at least 
seven and perhaps as many as ten separate 
irrigation systems (Figure 7.3), each associated 
with a group of allied villages, with an estimated 
7,400 irrigated acres in late precontact times 
(Bettinger 1982a; Steward 1933; Walter 1986:63). 

Evidence is lacking for irrigation south of 
Independence Creek (Steward 1930, 1933; 
Lawton et al. 1976), but the similar environmen- 
tal conditions, subsistence strategies, sociopoliti- 
cal structure and cultural ties suggest irrigation 
was likely practiced in the southern Owens 
Valley also. 



Exchange 

Although the Owens Valley Paiute did ex- 
change their brown ware pottery for Saline 
Valley salt, they traded little with other groups 
in the Great Basin. Instead they focused their 
attention across the towering Sierra Nevada, 
making trips in summer and fall when the 
mountain passes were free of snow. The closest 
trans-sierran trade routes to the George's Creek 
and Manzanar area are Kearsarge Pass, west of 
Independence, and Cottonwood Pass, west of 
Lone Pine. 

The Owens Valley Paiute traded salt, pinyon 
pine nuts, seeds, obsidian, sinew-backed bows, 
rabbitskin blankets, deerskins, moccasins, 
mountain sheep skins, fox skin leggings, balls 
of tobacco, baskets, basketry water bottles 
waterproofed with pitch, wooden hot rock 
lifters, and red and white paint pigments. In 
exchange they received shell money (disc beads, 
tubular clam beads, and more recently glass 
beads), acorns and acorn meal, finely-con- 
structed Yokut baskets, cane for arrow shafts, 
and manzanita berries (J. Davis 1961; Steward 
1933). 



155 




Figure 7.4. Owens Valley Paiute winter house (A. A. Forbes Photograph, 
Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County). 



Death 

When someone died, relatives could not touch 
the dead body. Men were hired to wrap the 
body in an animal skin blanket to take the 
body to the cemetery. Friends and relatives 
would gather in the evening with some of the 
deceased person's property (clothes, weapons, 
and utensils) which would be burned at the 
grave. Hired singers would sing while the 
mourners danced. At midnight, the deceased's 
personal property was burned so the ghost 
could use them and the survivors could forget 
their grief. Choice articles might be saved and 
burned a year later (Steward 1933: 297). 

Houses 

Steward (1933) reports a number of house 
types for the Owens Valley Paiute. Men gener- 
ally built the houses, but in the event of di- 
vorce the house was considered the property of 
the woman. 



to 7 ft tall, set 15 ft apart. Sloping side beams 
rested on a central cross beam (forming a tent 
shape) and were covered with pine boughs. 

Winter valley houses (toni or siwanopi, house of 
straw) were 9 to 10 ft high and 15 to 20 ft in 
diameter, constructed with a cone of poles 
encircling a pit about 2 ft deep. The pole 
superstructure was covered with woven grass 
matting, overlapped like shingles (Figure 7.4), 
although occasionally willow boughs, leaves, and 
soil were used as sheathing. The doorway faced 
east and there was a central firepit. 

The winter cook house (hava toni; grass house) 
was the same as a winter house but without the 
pit. The houses were primarily used for shelter 
during bad weather; most activities occurred 
outside, often in windbreaks constructed of 
willow branches placed close together in a semi- 
circle. 



The mountain house (wogani), used during the 
fall pine nut harvest, had two central posts, 6 



The summer house (also called hava toni), 
primarily used for shade, were open brush huts, 



156 




Figure 7.5. Owens Valley Paiute summer house (A. A. Forbes Photograph, Eastern California 
Museum). 




WMM* 



^igure 7.6. Owens Valley Paiute sweat house (from Stewarc 
1933:Figure 4). 



dome-shaped, and 8 to 15 ft in diameter. Their 
construction was much less formal than that of 
winter houses; matting and tree boughs were 
interwoven between pole wall supports (Figure 
7.5). 

Sweat houses (musa) were larger and more 
substantial then toni (Steward 1933:265-266). 
Sweat houses were owned and used by a village 
or a group of allied villages, with construction 
directed by the headman. Located near a water 



source, they were circular, 25 ft in diameter, 
with two central posts. Poles covered with grass, 
and dirt formed the sides and roof. There was a 
central smoke hole and firepit, and a doorway 
facing east, accessed by a dugway (Figure 7.6). 

Sweats were a secondary function; the musa 
served mainly as a meeting house and a dormi- 
tory for young and old unmarried men (Liljeblad 
and Fowler 1986:423). Steward (1938: 55) notes 
that "until recently there were sweat houses at 



157 



Fort Independence, George's Creek, Lone Pine, 
Big Pine, and possibly Manzanar. They have 
fallen into disuse." 



Other Material Culture 

Basketry manufactured both by coiling and 
twining was used for storage, carrying, water 
bottles, seed beaters, collecting trays, winnow- 
ing trays, hats, cradleboards, and mats (Steward 
1933:270-274). 

Pottery, the manufacture of which is well- 
documented in Owens Valley, was used for 
cooking and storage. Narrow strips of clay 
were applied to a pancake-shaped base and 
smoothed by hand. Most vessels had flat 
bottoms and straight or flaring sides. Steward 
(1933:266) noted that "pottery making ... for- 
merly limited to a few women, is now nearly 
forgotten." 

Milling equipment included manos and 
metates, and mortars and pestles, with mortars 
made of both stone and wood. Simple small 
bows and sinew-backed game bows were used 
with arrowshafts of three-foot willow or cane 
(with a willow foreshaft). Split hawk or eagle 
feathers, bound with sinew, were used for 
fl etchings. 

Clothing was minimal in warm weather, with 
skirts for women and buckskin breechcloths 
and shirts for men. Moccasins and sack-like 
sagebrush socks were worn for snow protec- 
tion. Rabbitskin blankets were worn in cold 
weather; made by men, each required the fur 
of 50 to 75 rabbits, cut into strips and twisted 
into soft ropes that were then woven together. 



Prehistory 

Archeological work in the Eastern Sierra has 
been summarized in several major region-spe- 
cific overviews. Overviews by Bettinger 
(1982a), prepared for the Forest Service, and 
Busby et al. (1980), prepared for the Bureau of 



Land Management, discuss work in the Owens 
Valley and Mono Basin. Other Bureau of Land 
Management overviews cover areas north, south, 
and east of the Owens Valley (Garfinkel 1980; 
Hall 1980; Norwood et al. 1980). Jackson (1985) 
provides a brief discussion of archaeological 
work in Long Valley and the Mono Basin in his 
survey report on several timber compartments 
conducted for the Inyo National Forest. The 
following is a brief outline of archeological work 
in the region; recent work and studies especially 
pertinent to the prehistory of the Manzanar area 
are discussed in somewhat greater detail (Figure 
7.7). 



Owens Valley 

It was the aboriginal rock art of Owens Valley 
that first attracted the interest of early 
researchers. Dr. Loew, with the 1876 Wheeler 
Expedition, described rock art near Benton 
(Busby et al. 1980:187), and Mallery (1886, 
1893) included rock art from both Inyo and 
Mono counties in his monumental thesis on 
North American Indian rock art. Although 
Steward focused on ethnography and did not 
elaborate on archaeological sites, he did write 
of rock rings and petroglyphs in the Owens 
Valley (Steward 1929). Systematic archeological 
research began with the work of Elizabeth and 
William Campbell. In the 1930s they reported 
on early sites associated with ancient terraces of 
Owens Lake (Antevs 1952; Campbell 1949). 

Harry Riddell and Francis Riddell conducted 
far-ranging surveys in the Owens Valley (Rid- 
dell and Riddell 1956; Riddell 1958). H. Riddell 
conducted one of the first excavations of a 
protohistonc site in the Great Basin at the 
Cottonwood Creek Site south of Lone Pine. 
The site consists of 11 house pits (one likely 
the remains of a sweat house), several bedrock 
milling features, and a shallow midden deposit 
(30 inches deep). Excavation included a block 
exposure within the midden deposit and the 
partial excavation of a house depression. Charr- 
ed remnants of willow poles were found evenly 



158 



spaced around the edge of the excavated depres- 
sion. Artifacts recovered from the site (most 
from the surface) include 58 projectile points, 
over 900 sherds, 12 manos, a possible metate 
fragment, two fragments of tubular pumice pipes, 
an abrading stone, three stone pendant frag- 
ments, 10 scrapers, two drills, 145 steatite beads, 
51 olivella beads, nine glass beads, a mussel shell 
fragment, bits of pigment, two charred acorn 
halves, and a charred pinyon shell. Virtually all 
of the projectile points collected were Desert 
Side-notched or Cottonwood Triangular types. 
The site (the type site for Owens Valley Brown 
Ware pottery) was interpreted to be a Paiute 
winter village, abandoned prior to A.D. 1850. 

Large-scale survey work includes Von Werlhof's 
(1965) study of Owens Valley rock art and an 
extensive sample survey by Bettinger (1975) in 
the central Owens Valley. Based on his survey, 
Bettinger (1975, 1976, 1977a, 1979, 1982a) 
identified four chronological periods for the 
Owens Valley: 

Clyde (3500-1200 B.C.) - indicated by Little Lake 
series projectile points. 

Cowhorn (1200 B.C.-A.D. 600) - indicated by Elko 
series projectile points. 

Baker (A.D. 600-1300) — indicated by Eastgate and 
Rose Spring series projectile points. 

Klondike (A.D. 1300 to historical times) — indi- 
cated by Cottonwood and Desert Side-notched 
projectile points. 

During these periods, prehistoric subsistence 
focused primarily on lowland plant resources 
(Bettinger 1982b: 111). However, Bettinger (1975, 
1976, 1978, 1979, 1982a) discerned three adaptive 
changes: (1) a shift from intensive riparian 
exploitation to desert scrub exploitation in the 
Cowhorn phase; (2) the inception of pinyon nut 
exploitation in the Baker phase; and (3) the 
decline in large game hunting after A.D. 1000. 

Increased population, growing territorial restric- 
tions, climatic change, and environmental 



degradation have been postulated as possible 
causes for these shifts. According to Bettinger 
and Baumhoff (1982:495-503), the shift from 
riparian to desert scrub resource utilization may 
indicate social changes associated with the Numic 
incursion into Owens Valley. In their theory, 
the postulated "Numic subsistence strategy" 
(termed "processor") included intensive plant 
utilization, decreasing big game hunting, and 
increasingly restricted seasonal and annual 
movement between resource areas. The processor 
strategy replaced the "Pre-Numic strategy" (term- 
ed "traveler") of utilizing low cost, widely 
dispersed resources. 

Based on lexicostatistical estimates the Numic 
groups began their rapid spread across the Great 
Basin from the Owens Valley, Death Valley and 
Coso areas between A.D. 1250 and 1450. While 
it is uncertain just when this subsistence pattern 
evolved, Bettinger and Baumhoff suggest a well- 
developed processor strategy was most likely 
fully established in the Owens Valley as early as 
A.D. 950 (1982:197). Therefore, it has been 
suggested that the Baker period be regarded as 
Numic or proto-Numic, the Clyde and Cowhorn 
periods as pre-Numic and the Klondike period as 
Numic (Bettinger, Delacorte, and McGuire 1984). 

Subsequent excavations in the Owens Valley 
have tested and refined Bettinger and Baumhoff's 
model. In the first large-scale mitigation project 
in the Owens Valley, Bettinger et al. (1984a) 
conducted excavations at the Partridge Ranch 
Site south of Bishop. The site is located at the 
base of a gently sloping alluvial fan overlooking 
Freeman Creek. The data recovery, conducted 
for a highway widening project, included 
excavation of 24 cubic meters. 

The cultural deposits at Partridge Ranch were up 
to 70 cm deep. Recovered material included six 
Elko projectile points, four Rose Spring points, 
one Desert Side-notched point, one Humboldt 
biface, 42 other bifacial tool fragments, ten 
unifaces, nine roughouts, a chopper, over 5,000 
flakes, 52 manos or mano fragments, seven 



159 



Conway Ranch 



26 MN 404-406 
• 26 MN 705, 715 



Interlaken 
Portillo's Drill 
CA-MNO 

Big Springs 
Mammoth Lakes 
Mammoth Juction 

Hot Creek 



MNNERAL 



FRESNO 




Archeological Site(s) 



Town 



Obsidian Source 



COUNTY NAME 



25 miles 



TULARE 



KERN 



Figure 7.7. Places, archeological sites, and obsidian sources mentioned in text. 

160 



metates, 13 battered cobbles, 36 worked bone 
fragments, 1,320 other bone fragments, an atlatl 
weight, an abrader, two beads (glass and stone), 
and three sherds. 

Based on projectile point styles, obsidian 
hydration analysis, and one radiocarbon date, the 
site appears to have been occupied primarily 
between 1200 B.C. and A.D. 600 (Cowhorn 
Period). Relatively low frequencies of hunting- 
related artifacts and faunal remains suggested the 
site was occasionally used as a short-term base 
camp for hunting. The site functioned mainly as 
a locus for specialized plant procurement and 
processing, most likely focusing on wetland re- 
sources. Evidence of caching and specialized use 
were interpreted as supporting the idea of pre- 
Numic specialized task groups residing at 
temporary camps for subsistence activities, rather 
than at village settlements. 

In 1985, Burton (1986a, 1992b) conducted limited 
testing at Bajada Camp (CA-INY-2596), a small 
site located on the rocky Sierran bajada southeast 
of Big Pine. Archaeological work at the site 
consisted of an intensive surface collection and 
excavation of thirty-four 1 m by 1 m units 
(5.1 cubic meters). Excavation revealed that in 
most of the site the artifacts were confined to the 
current ground surface, but that the cultural 
deposit extended over 1 meter deep in the central 
portion of the site. Artifacts recovered include 
five projectile points, 29 bifaces, five cores, six 
retouched pieces, 2,581 pieces of debitage, an 
abrader, three manos, a chopper, 11 sherds, and 
six small bone fragments. The varied artifact 
assemblage and other data suggest the site was a 
hunting camp and that the artifacts represent a 
hunting tool kit; even the manos exhibited wear 
that suggested they were spent plant-processing 
tools recycled for hunting-related tasks. Tempo- 
rally sensitive artifacts, site structure, and 
obsidian hydration analysis indicates a single- 
component site that was occupied during the 
early Baker period. 



The Lubkin Creek Site, south of Lone Pine, has 
been the scene of the most intensive work 
conducted in the Owens Valley (Basgall et al. 
1986; Basgall and McGuire 1988). Over 80 cubic 
meters were excavated, including 12 houses and 
21 other features. Recovered items included over 
200 typeable projectile points, 200 point frag- 
ments, 750 bifaces, 900 flake tools, drills, 
unifaces, and cores, over 40,000 flakes, 187 
manos, 110 metates, 1,689 sherds (plus 5,837 
sherds collected earlier during survey work by 
Riddel!) , 240 beads (glass, stone, and shell), seven 
basketry fragments, 147 modified bone frag- 
ments, 29,000 other bone fragments, and 
numerous other artifacts and samples. 

Through artifact styles, obsidian hydration 
analysis, and radiocarbon dating, several discrete 
components were identified at the Lubkin Creek 
Site. Materials dating to the Clyde period were 
sparse, with a narrow artifact assemblage consis- 
tent with hunting by small groups. Four houses 
dated to the Cowhorn period. The structures and 
associated artifacts suggest the site was used as a 
seasonal base camp. Moderate amounts of pinyon 
pine remains indicate pinyon pine nuts were in 
use by 2000 B.P. 

Baker period material was scarce, suggesting only 
ephemeral occupation from A.D. 600 to 1300. 
The main use of the site dates to the subsequent 
Klondike period, for which multiple seasonal 
occupations and three residential areas were 
identified. Associated with the Klondike period 
component is a huge inventory of ground and 
battered stone, and bedrock milling features. 
Subsistence focused on the procurement of 
waterfowl, mollusks, and seeds. Abundant 
obsidian from the Coso source in the late 
prehistoric occupation was interpreted to indicate 
the emergence of formalized exchange relations. 
In all, the archeological data for the Klondike 
period exhibited dramatic parallels with the 
ethnographic situation recorded by Steward 
(Basgall 1991). 



161 



Expanding on earlier work at the Lubkin Creek 
Site, Bouey (1990) completed surface collection 
and excavation of eleven 1 m by 1 m units in a 
different portion of the site in preparation for a 
county road realignment. The investigated area 
contained a shallow midden deposit and numer- 
ous bedrock milling features. Artifacts recovered 
include nine Desert Side-notched points, six 
Cottonwood Triangular points, five Humboldt 
Basal-notched bifaccs, 31 bifaces, 34 flake tools, 
two cores, 2,736 flakes, 49 battered cobbles, 13 
metate fragments, nine mano fragments, nine 
other ground stone fragments, 359 sherds, four 
shell beads, 479 mussel shell fragments, six 
fragments of modified bone, and 1,607 other 
bone fragments. Although the presence of 
Humboldt bifaces suggests an earlier component, 
this area of the site mainly contained a discrete 
Klondike component. No houses were encoun- 
tered in the excavated areas, suggesting only 
short-term use. 

Excavations at three late prehistoric sites in the 
general vicinity of Big Pine (Crater Middens, 
Piny on House, and Two Eagles), were under- 
taken by Bettinger (1989). Bettinger's research at 
these sites again tested the idea of distinctive 
Numic and pre-Numic adaptive strategies. All 
three were seen to fit the Numic pattern of 
heavy reliance on plant resources, little reliance 
on big game hunting, and constricted population 
movement. 

Pinyon House, located in the Inyo Mountains 
east of the valley floor, includes two standing 
structures, seven depressions, and five rock rings. 
Seven of these features were excavated. Artifacts 
recovered include 78 projectile points (51% 
Desert series, 21% Rosegate series, 5% Elko, and 
1% Little Lake), 179 bifaces, one Humboldt 
biface, eight flake knives, 96 roughouts, nine 
projectile point blanks, 98 unifaces, 18 cores, 
nearly 6,000 flakes, 42 milling slabs, 11 manos, 
66 sherds, two hammerstones, two abraders, four 
incised stones, 10 shell beads, eight wood 
artifacts (including pinyon hooks), seven worked 
bones, 424 other bone fragments, and abundant 



pinyon cone fragments. Historical artifacts 
recovered include two gray enamelware pieces, 
six tin cans, remains of three glass bottles, nine 
"Levi Strauss" clothing rivets, and two glass 
buttons. 

The data were interpreted to indicate that 
between 3000 B.C. and A.D. 300, the Pinyon 
House site was used as a short-term hunting 
camp. The main occupation occurred from A.D. 
300 to 1930, when the site was used as a pinyon 
camp. Although the bulk of the macrofossils are 
pinyon nuts and cone fragments, the artifacts 
indicate a variety of tasks occurred during this 
latter time period. 

Two Eagles is located at the foot of the Inyo 
Mountains. Thirteen of 28 rock rings at the site 
were excavated. Recovered materials include 60 
projectile points (58% Desert series, 37% Rose- 
gate series, 3% Elko), 72 bifaces, 39 roughouts, 
four drills, three core tools, a chopper, nine 
cores, about 3,000 flakes, seven blade-like flakes 
(some with ground edges), 212 millingstones 
(mostly flat slabs and blocks), nine manos, 127 
sherds, a vesicular basalt pipe blank, five pendant 
fragments, three incised stones, 43 quartz 
crystals, 10 quartz cull fragments, a stone bead, 
three shell beads, a bone bead, three other work- 
ed bones, 212 unmodified bone fragments, and a 
few charred plant remains. 

The Two Eagles site data were taken to indicate 
sporadic use as early as 1200 B.C., but most 
occupation occurring from A.D. 600 to historical 
times. During the later occupation the site was 
occupied seasonally by small groups of families 
for seed procurement. Emphasis on seed procure- 
ment apparently increased through time, while 
hunting and other activities declined. 

Crater Middens is a large village site at the foot 
of the rough lava slopes of Crater Mountain. 
The site includes five distinct middens, 17 rock 
rings, and numerous bedrock milling features. Six 
houses were excavated, and midden areas were 
tested. Groundstone artifacts recovered include 



162 



363 millingstones, 213 manos, 128 battered 
cobbles, and 13 pestles. Flaked stone includes 223 
projectile points (51% Desert series, 24% Rose- 
gate series, 4% Elko, 1% Humboldt), 536 bifaces, 
14 flake knives, 337 roughouts, 21 point blanks, 
179 unifaces, 11 choppers, and over 54,000 flakes. 
Other artifacts include 593 ceramic sherds, four 
shaft smoothers, two steatite pipes, a steatite 
cylinder, 10 pendants, 30 shell beads, 63 glass 
beads, 17 steatite beads, three quartz crystals, 269 
worked bone specimens, over 7,500 unmodified 
bone fragments, and 259 shell fragments. Floral 
remains of 24 different plant species were 
recovered, with 60 percent of the remains 
belonging to four species: blackbrush (Coleogyne 
ramosissima), ricegrass (Oryzopsis bymenoides), 
blazing star (Mentzelia albicaulis), and Mormon 
tea (Ephedra sp.). 

Historical artifacts thought to be associated with 
the aboriginal occupation of the site included 
two pieces of worked glass, 13 other glass 
fragments, two cans, four cartridges, a marble, 
and a fragment of glazed pottery. The site was 
interpreted to have been a central place within a 
large settlement-subsistence system, occupied 
essentially year-round from as early as A.D. 1 to 
historical times. 



These village sites signal a major change in alpine 
use. Hunting blinds and tool scatters, apparently 
used by small hunting parties, appeared begin- 
ning as early as 3000 B.C. But this pattern of 
limited and specialized use was replaced by a 
more intensive and generalized use in which 
both plants and animals were important. The 
seasonally-used villages that appeared were 
intensively occupied, perhaps in response to 
population pressure, by families, groups of 
families, and possibly entire bands. 

Basgall and Giambastiani (1992) report on three 
seasons of archeological work north of Bishop 
on the Volcanic Tablelands, another area 
commonly considered marginal. Excavation and 
controlled surface collection were conducted at 
seven sites, including two sites with rockshelters 
and three sites with rock art. Excavation focused 
on house features, but extramural areas were also 
tested. Excavated volume ranged from 2.5 to 16.3 
cubic meters per site (47 cubic meters in all). 
Recovered were 265 projectile points, 741 bifaces, 
83 formal flake tools, 771 casual flake tools, 40 
cores, over 53,000 flakes, over 1,100 pieces of 
ground and battered stone, 141 sherds, 27 beads 
(shell, glass, bone, stone) and over 6,400 bone 
fragments. 



Survey and excavation in the White Mountains 
60 miles north of Manzanar has disclosed a 
remarkable change in aboriginal adaption 
beginning about 1,400 years ago in an environ- 
ment generally considered to be marginal 
(Bettinger 1990, 1991). Over a dozen village sites 
have been found between 10,000 and 12,600 ft in 
elevation. Many of these sites are fairly large and 
all have distinct house features. 

Lichenometric measurements, (Bettinger and 
Oglesby 1985), radiocarbon assays, and time 
sensitive artifacts date the appearance of these 
village sites to sometime between A.D. 600 and 
1000. Faunal material is dominated by bighorn 
sheep and marmot; primary floral remains 
included roots, seeds, pinyon nuts, and limber 
pine (Pinus flexilis) nuts. 



The earliest site investigated, thought to pre-date 
5,000 B.P., is located in a wetland area next to a 
spring. The site contained stemmed bifaces and 
18 basal fragments of a point defined as "Fish 
Slough Side-notched." Although this type has 
been previously subsumed under the Elko Side- 
notched category, obsidian hydration values of 
the points from the Fish Slough site are greater 
than Little Lake and Elko points, and suggest the 
type is considerably earlier. 

Clyde period components were identified at four 
sites, but were scattered and mixed with later 
Cowhorn material. Cowhorn age components 
were identified at six sites interpreted to be small 
residential base camps occupied by family 
groups. Baker period materials were also found 
at six sites, all but one were mixed with later 



163 



Klondike components. Klondike period sites 
included midden, numerous milling features, 
threshing floors (slick bedrock surrounded by 
rocks that likely anchored brush windbreaks), 
and all of the excavated house features. 

The dryland seed processing focus of the 
Volcanic Tablelands sites appears to have 
changed very little though time. However, the 
appearance of specialized bulk seed processing 
features and houses for longer-term occupation 
suggest the intensity of site use increased in the 
Klondike period. 

Delacorte and McGuire (1993) discuss test 
excavations at 20 sites along a proposed under- 
ground fiber optics line in Owens and Rose 
Valleys. Five of the sites are near Big Pine, two 
are between Manzanar and Lone Pine, eight are 
between Lone Pine and Olancha, and five are in 
Rose Valley. Chronometric information was 
derived from obsidian hydration analysis, 
radiocarbon assays, and time sensitive artifacts 
(including 88 projectile points, 13 shell beads, 
three steatite beads, eight bone beads, 166 glass 
beads, and 347 ceramic sherds). 

One of the earliest sites in the study was CA- 
INY-3766, located east of the Alabama Hills and 
considered pre-Cowhorn in age. The bifaces, 
flake tools, and core-related artifacts of diverse 
lithic materials and sources suggested small 
broadly ranging social groups. 

Cowhorn components were identified at 12 sites. 
The large diverse collection of flaked and ground 
stone artifacts recovered from these components 
was interpreted to indicate a highly mobile and 
expansive settlement-subsistence economy, with 
inhabitants sustaining a relatively fixed migration 
pattern, perhaps moving between five or six 
villages. 

Baker components, dominated by casual flake 
tools and formalized ground stone artifacts, were 
identified at eight sites. Delacorte and McGuire 
interpret the site data as signifying increasing 



settlement centralization, and a shift towards 
intensive land use focused on increased use of 
small animals and plant resources. 

Klondike components encountered at 10 sites 
were relatively mixed and small, but artifact 
inventories were seen to parallel those at 
preceding Baker period sites. The shift toward 
intensive land use continued, with specialized 
extractive localities occupied by small family- 
sized groups for the collection of mussels and 
seeds. 

Two of the investigated sites had early historical 
(protohistoric) components, characterized by 
essentially aboriginal tool-kits with a few Euro- 
american artifacts. Deposits formed after 1870 
contained primarily store-brought, manufactured 
goods with only a few traditional artifacts. The 
change appears to have been complete and rapid, 
since transitional sites with worked glass or 
metal points were not encountered. But house 
style, some groundstone types, basketry, and the 
use of traditional native plant and animal 
resources continued well into the twentieth 
century. 

Delacourte et al. (1995) tested 12 sites along U.S. 
Highway 395 in the Alabama Gates area between 
Manzanar National Historic Site and Lone Pine. 
Thirty-one well-dated components were identi- 
fied during the testing. 

Twelve Clyde period components were discov- 
ered, the largest sample yet investigated in the 
Owens Valley. Since the project area did not 
seem unusually favorable for Clyde period use, 
Delacorte et al. suggested that relatively low 
numbers of Clyde period sites elsewhere was a 
factor of site visibility. These early sites would 
be more likely obscured by alluvial fan develop- 
ment at the base of the Sierra Nevada. The 
Alabama Gates area, in contrast, is protected 
from Sierra Nevada alluvial fans by the Alabama 
Hills. 



164 



The Alabama Gates Clyde period components 
consisted of medium sized, low density sites, 
with a diverse and generalized artifact assemblage 
that included cores and flake tools, an assortment 
of bifacial tools, and only small amounts of 
expediently used ground stone. A variety of 
faunal remains was recovered, but there were 
surprisingly few birds compared to later assem- 
blages. There were few differences between sites 
at different locations, which suggested use by 
mobile groups who transported their entire tool 
kit between a series of sporadically occupied 
locations. 

Only one Cowhorn Period component, a house 
floor, was encountered at the 12 tested Alabama 
Gates sites. Still, Delacourte et al. were able to 
infer that the house data corroborate trends 
observed at other sites. That is, during the Cow- 
horn phase biface types were standardized and 
there was a shift to larger bifaces, and to formal 
and more diverse groundstone. Subsistence 
focused on dryland and wetland seeds, lago- 
morphs, birds, and fish; large mammals were 
poorly represented. 

Late prehistoric components (two Baker and 11 
Klondike) were identified at three types of sites: 
(1) mussel procurement sites with flakes, sherds, 
and shell, (2) temporary camps, with similar 
artifacts but with the addition of groundstone 
and a longer occupation, and (3) permanent 
occupation sites with houses and a full range of 
artifact types. These site types indicate more 
variability in settlement patterns than the large 
multi-family villages noted by Steward (1933, 
1938). 

Other data from the late prehistoric sites sup- 
ported inferences about a shift to expedient flake 
technology and reduction in biface size; ground- 
stone shows a similar trend with the (^intro- 
duction of expedient types. Plant and animal 
remains indicate intensification in resource 
extraction, with the focus on riverine and 
wetland resources, such as fish. Seeds were 
limited to four wetland taxa (Chenopodium, Rosa, 



Sarpus, and Typha), and the use of shellfish 
intensified in the Klondike period. Occupation 
was more intensive, and less mobile than earlier. 



Rose Valley 

Major work in the Rose Valley region south of 
Owens Lake includes that of Grant et al. (1968) 
and Whitley (1987) on the rock art of the Coso 
Range and vicinity, and survey and excavations 
for the US Naval Weapons Center (e.g. Hilde- 
brandt and Gilreath 1988). Borden (1971) 
reports on the Lake Mohave Complex Rose 
Valley Site. Drover (1979b) conducted small 
scale excavations at four sites near Red Hill. 

Work at two sites in Rose Valley has been 
pivotal in Great Basin archeology, and is sum- 
marized here. Harrington's (1949, 1951, 1952, 
1953, 1957) extensive excavations at the Stahl 
Site, near Little Lake, provided substantial data 
on the Archaic period and refined the temporal 
placement of Pinto projectile points. Several 
excavations in Rose Valley have concentrated 
on the Rose Spring Site (Lanning 1963; Riddell 
1963; Clewlow et al. 1970; Yohe 1992). One of 
the first deeply-stratified sites to be excavated 
in the Great Basin, the Rose Spring Site has 
provided data on a long temporal sequence, 
which helped define and date several projectile 
point styles. 

The Stahl Site, near Little Lake, helped deter- 
mine the temporal placement of Pinto projec- 
tile points, which previously had been ambigu- 
ously associated with Pleistocene fauna (cf. 
Campbell and Campbell 1935). In addition, the 
excavation recovered numerous and varied 
artifacts, house remains, and storage pits, 
allowing interpretation of a mixed economy 
based primarily on deer hunting (Warren and 
Crabtree 1986:187). 

Excavations were begun in 1948 by Harring- 
ton. Four distinct strata were encountered. The 
top 3 to 4 inches consisted of soft sand, con- 
taining Pinto and later material. Below this a 



165 



firmer stratum 6 to 9 inches thick contained 
Pinto and other material interpreted to be early. 
The third layer, 11 to 18 inches thick, was much 
firmer and darker, and contained not only 
abundant artifacts but numerous holes inter- 
preted to be posthole formations outlining 
circular or elliptical houses. The final stratum 
was the hardpan (Harrington 1957). 

Artifacts included a variety of flaked and ground 
stone artifacts. Beads and sherds, attributed to 
late Shoshone occupation, were found near the 
surface. A significant part of the assemblage was 
the projectile points: 497 Pinto points were 
recovered, which Harrington divided into five 
morphologically defined subtypes still cited 
today. Other points included 36 leaf-shaped, 90 
Lake Mohave/Silver Lake, 13 wide-stemmed 
points, four "arrowpoints," and several unclassi- 
fied specimens. 

Because there was not enough material recovered 
for radiocarbon dating, Harrington employed 
geomorphological analysis to estimate the age of 
the site. The underlying hardpan was attributed 
to flash floods from the Sierra Nevada during 
dry periods after the Pleistocene. Therefore, 
Harrington reasoned that the site occupation 
may have been associated with a rainy period 
toward the end of the drought, ca. 3000 to 4000 
years B.P. As corroborating evidence, he cited 
work at a rockshelter near Moapa, Nevada, 
where Pinto points were found associated with 
hearths radiocarbon dated to 3870 + 250 and 
4040 ±300 B.P. (Harrington 1957). 

The site data supported several interpretations: 
the Pinto Culture was seen as widely distributed, 
from central California to southern Arizona, and 
as far north as northern Nevada. Harrington 
figured the Pinto Basin had been occupied during 
a period with greater precipitation than at 
present, possibly a "Little Pluvial" at the end of 
the "Great Drought" 3000-4000 B.P. 

Harrington's temporal ascriptions were sup- 
ported by Heizer and Hester's evaluation of 



radiocarbon dates associated with the Pinto point 
type elsewhere (1978), which suggest a date ot 
3000 to 700 B.C. Warren and Crabtrce (1986) 
have modified this slightly, using paleo- 
environmental data developed by Mehringer 
(1977) on the "Little Pluvial," to suggest a time 
range of 5000 to 2000 B.C. The Pinto point type 
found at the Stahl Site is now more commonly 
designated Little Lake, following Bettinger and 
Taylor's (1974) suggestion that designating points 
of the Stahl Site as Pinto obscures important 
differences in form and distribution between 
these points and the original, possibly older 
Pinto points found throughout lower southeast 
California and Arizona. 

The Rose Spring Site, the type site for Rose 
Spring and Cottonwood projectile point styles, 
is located 10 miles north of the Stahl Site. Harry 
Riddell excavated three test units and one burial 
at the site in 1951. Francis Riddell resumed the 
work in 1956, excavating a trench and a large 
exposure. Both excavations utilized 1 ft levels 
and 3/8 inch screen, but were not reported until 
1963 by Lanning. 

In 1961 Davis excavated one 5 ft by 15 ft unit in 
6-inch intervals to a depth of 11 ft. Five strata 
were discerned, including two midden strata 
separated by sand. Cultural material fecovi 
included 172 sherds (170 within the upper 24 
inches of deposit), two clay pipes, one pumice 
pipe, 18 manos, five metate fragments, three 
pestles, grinding slabs, debitage, and 319 com- 
plete and fragmentary projectile points. Although 
most of the points were classified as Rose Spring 
and Cottonwood types, a nearly complete 
sequence of other point types was also recovered 
(Lanning 1963). 

The Rose Spring Site was interpreted r 
hunting camp due to the preponderance of 
projectile points. When Lanning's report 
published, the Rose Spring Site was the only 
deeply stratified site in the Great Basin with an 
unbroken series of point types. Lanning identi- 
fied four distinct components, including Pinto 



166 



(Little Lake), Elko, Eastgate/Rose Spring, and 
Cottonwood/Desert Side-notched, and estimated 
the age of the different periods based on compar- 
ison with other sites in the Great Basin. The 
point types defined as Rose Spring still stand, 
although work has been done in the subsequent 
years to refine the typology. Samples collected 
by Riddell and Davis for radiocarbon dating 
confirm Lanning's sequence (Clewlow et al. 
1970:21-21), and other researchers have con- 
firmed similar dates and sequences through 
correlation with other sites in the Great Basin. 
Recent work by Yohe (1992) at the Rose Spring 
Site supports Lanning's original chronology, as 
well as the general temporal sensitivity of most 
accepted Great Basin projectile point types. 



Long Valley 

Emma Lou Davis (1964) conducted one of the 
first extensive archeological surveys in the 
region, recording 165 sites north of the Owens 
Valley in Long Valley and the Mono Basin. 
Based on her survey and ethnographic work, 
Davis developed a site typology encompassing 
pine nut collecting sites, lakeshore sites, sum- 
mer base camps, caterpillar collection sites, 
quarry and/or workshop sites, spring camps, 
and winter camps. 

In 1977, Bettinger (1977a) conducted a system- 
atic stratified random sample of the Long 
Valley "Known Geothermal Resource Area." 
Through this work, Bettinger was able to 
develop a model to predict site density and 
formed a site classification based on the pres- 
ence of nine types of cultural material such as 
projectile points and groundstone. In addition, 
Bettinger discussed subsistence and settlement 
patterns and apparent changes through time. 

There have been numerous project-specific 
surveys in the Long Valley area, including 
surveys for Forest Service timber sales (e.g. 
Basgall and Jobson 1986; Burton 1980; Jackson 
1985; Turner et al. 1978). Most apparent from 
the Long Valley survey data is the importance 



of Piagi (pandora moth larvae) procurement 
(Weaver and Basgall 1986) and the ubiquity of 
archaeological sites near the Casa Diablo obsidian 
quarries (Faust 1992; Weaver et al. 1982). 

The importance of the Casa Diablo obsidian 
source is also evident in excavation data. Most 
excavation work has focused on the Mammoth 
Lakes area. Excavations at sites that are predomi- 
nately obsidian stoneworking with only minor 
evidence of subsistence activities include: Forest 
Service Forty (CA-MNO-529; Basgall 1983), 
Mammoth Creek (CA-MNO-561; Burton 1994a; 
Hall 1983), Camp High Sierra (CA-MNO-1529; 
Basgall 1984b), CA-MNO-11, -823, -1644, and - 
1645 (Bouscaren and Wilke 1987), CA-MNO- 
1654 (Weaver et al. 1984), Casa Diablo Hot 
Springs (CA-MNO-2183; Hall 1987), CA-MNO- 
574, -577, -578, and -833 (Adams 1986; Goldberg 
et al. 1990; Mone 1986), and CA-MNO-1202 
(Moore and Raven 1991; White 1990). These 
stoneworking sites indicate that the production 
of obsidian bifaces for trade peaked during the 
Newberry and early Haiwee periods (equivalent 
to the Cowhorn and early Baker periods in the 
Owens Valley). 

Excavations at other sites in the Mammoth Lakes 
area have revealed a variety of subsistence, 
residence, and exchange activities. Excavated 
rockshelters include CA-MNO-455 and -472 at 
Hot Creek (Davis 1964), Mammoth Creek Cave 
(CA-MNO-11; Enfield and Enfield 1964), Little 
Hot Creek (CA-MNO-615; see Jackson 1985), 
and Little Antelope Valley (CA-MNO-616; see 
Jackson 1985). Subsistence activities are repre- 
sented at temporary camps where both obsidian 
reduction and subsistence activities occurred, 
such as Triple R (CA-MNO-714; Bettinger 1980; 
Jackson 1986), the Minaret Road Site (CA-MNO- 
2482; Burton 1991a), and those in the Royal 
Gold (Burton 1990) and Sherwin Ski (Burton 
1994b) project areas. A variety of activities 
occurred at large sites with middens, such as the 
Snowcreek Site (CA-MNO-3; Burton and Farrell 
1990), CA-MNO-905 (Burton n.d.), the Hot 
Creek Hatchery Site (CA-MNO-611; Tadlock 



167 



and Tadlock 1972), the Mammoth Junction Site 
(CA-MNO-382; Burton 1985b; Michels 1964; 
Sterud 1965), and CA-MNO-722 (Ericson 
1977:328; Leonard 1974; Meighan and Vander- 
hoeven 1978:37-38). 

Data compiled from these sites suggest subsis- 
tence activities generally increased though time 
from the earliest occupation to the' beginning of 
the late prehistoric period. The Little Lake 
(Clyde) period occupation was sparse, and 
focused on meadow resources. Primary artifactual 
remains reflect core reduction and expedient 
flake production. During the Newberry and 
early Haiwee (Cowhorn-Baker) periods, there 
was intensive obsidian biface production for 
trade. During the late Haiwee period both biface 
production and subsistence were intensive. 

At higher elevations there was apparently a shift 
from plant exploitation by large groups during 
the Little Lake and Newberry periods to hunting 
by small groups and individuals during the 
Haiwee period (Burton 1994a:89). There is less 
evidence of Marana (Klondike) period occupation 
in the Mammoth Lakes region. Biface production 
at the Casa Diablo quarries appears to have 
waned, and subsistence-related activities may 
have shifted from previously used meadow 
resources. Pinyon collecting appears to have 
become more important in the Long Valley area 
during the Marana period. 

Excavations at the large multi-component 
Chance Well Site (CA-MNO-458/630) were 
conducted by Burton (1983, 1985a) for the 
Mammoth Geothermal Project. Located along 
lower Mammoth Creek at the confluence of Hot 
Creek, the site is adjacent to a hot spring, and 
has a commanding view of an extensive meadow. 
Features recorded at the site included rock rings, 
a midden deposit, dense chipping debris, and 
over 60 bedrock mortars (the greatest number at 
an Eastern Sierra site [Haney 1992]). 

Excavation at the site included sixteen 1 m by 1 
m units (8.3 cubic meters) and fifty-one 25 cm by 



25 cm shovel test units (1.5 cubic meters). 
Recovered artifacts included 21 Desert series 
projectile points, seven Rosegate series points, 
four Elko series points, one Little Lake point, 
two wide-stemmed points, six point fragments, 
four Humboldt bifaces, 27 other bifacial tools, 96 
preforms, roughouts, and blanks, 97 retouched 
pieces, 18 cores or core fragments, over 28,000 
flakes, 11 metates, 11 manos, a possible pestle, a 
chopper, three hammerstones, a battered cobble, 
seven abraders, seven tinklers (clothing orna- 
ments or charmstones), a scraper-plane, two 
steatite disk beads, a steatite vessel sherd, a 
brown ware sherd, 45 fire-cracked rocks, 52 
animal bone fragments, and abundant charred 
pinyon pine cone fragments. Temporally 
sensitive artifacts and features, obsidian hydration 
analysis, and radiocarbon assays were used to 
infer shifts in site use through time. 

In the late prehistoric period the Chance Well 
Site was occupied year-round, the locus of a wide 
range of subsistence activities, including pinyon 
collecting. The artifact assemblage exhibited west 
slope as well as Great Basin influences For 
example, shaped manos from earlier occupations 
were scavenged and recycled for stone-boiling. 
The site is likely the location of the village of 
Panwihumadu mentioned by Steward (1938). 

The Chance Well Site was also used earlier, in 
the Newberry and early Haiwee periods, as a 
quarry-workshop, possibly part of a west slope 
dominated exchange system. Subsistence activities 
during this earlier use were focused on meadow 
resources rather than pinyon nuts. 

At Doe Ridge, east of the Mammoth Lakes 
Airport, Burton (1986b) completed an archeologi- 
cal survey of 570 acres and shovel-tested nine 
sites for a proposed golf course development. All 
of the sites appear to be temporary camps, most 
related to hunting activities. Temporally diagnos- 
tic artifacts and obsidian hydration results 
indicate use from as early as 9600 B.C., with 
most sites occupied between 1200 B.C. and AD. 
1000 (Newberry and Haiwee periods). Two sites, 



168 



both in pinyon woodland, were used until A.D. 

1300. 

The earliest site investigated for the Doe Ridge 
project, CA-MNO-2247, was a small site located 
on a ridge, overlooking a portion of Long 
Valley. Artifacts at the site included a Lake 
Mohave-like point, a biface fragment, a basalt 
core fragment, and 76 flakes (52% obsidian, 42% 
dark gray chert, 4% basalt, 1% rhyolite). Many 
of the flakes exhibited use wear, indicating an 
expedient flake technology. The unusually high 
percentage of non-obsidian material (47% vs. less 
than 5% at most sites in the region) has been 
noted at other early sites in the region, and has 
been attributed to wide-ranging mobility 
patterns. The Mohave-like point from the Doe 
Ridge site, of Fish Springs obsidian, had an 
obsidian hydration value of 13.1 microns; using 
the most recent rate determined for Fish Springs 
obsidian (see Delacorte et al. 1995), this calculates 
to 7,750 B.P. Casa Diablo obsidian specimens 
from the site had large rim values suggesting a ca. 
6,000 B.P. date. 

CA-MNO-819, at Big Springs near the Casa 
Diablo obsidian source, was tested by the Forest 
Service. Results summarized in Jackson (1985: 
145) suggest the dense debitage and numerous 
bifaces are indicative of biface production for 
trade. The narrow range of hydration values (2.5 
to 3.5 microns) suggests a relatively short, ca. 
200-year occupation span, somewhat later in time 
than biface production at sites to the south (i.e. 
Haiwee rather than Newberry). 

Burton and Farrell (1991) reported on excava- 
tions at Whisky Creek Rockshelter (CA-MNO- 
2518), a small overhang in southeastern Long 
Valley. Sixteen 1 m by 1 m units (7.2 cubic 
meters) yielded four Desert Side-notched 
projectile points, a Cottonwood Triangular 
point, a Rosegate series point, two point frag- 
ments, four bifacial tools, 21 retouched pieces, a 
chopper, three core fragments, 605 pieces of 
debitage, two metate fragments, an abrader, a 
cupped stone, a possible hammerstone, five 



ceramic sherds, 20 glass beads, 28 fire-cracked 

rocks, floral remains (charred remains being 

mostly grass seeds) and faunal remains. Four 
hearths were encountered. 

Chronometric and other data indicate two 
distinct occupations at Whisky Creek Rock- 
shelter. The first use, beginning as early as 500 
B.C., is most evident on a bench below the 
shelter. There, evidence suggests biface reduction, 
which continued until A.D. 1000. The later 
occupation, evident in the shelter itself, occurred 
after A.D. 1000, with most intensive occupation 
after A.D. 1300. During this time, the shelter 
was used sporadically by small groups as a 
temporary camp during the summer, for a wide 
range of subsistence-related activities. The 
rockshelter was used until the 1840s, but 
apparently was permanently abandoned soon 
after that. 

Although most excavations in Long Valley have 
been at sites that postdate ca. 5000 B.C., exten- 
sive work has been conducted at one early site. 
From the Komodo Site (CA-MNO-617), located 
on an old terrace of Long Valley Lake, a large 
assemblage of basally thinned, concave base 
bifaces was recovered (Basgall 1984a, 1988; 
Bettinger 1977a). Originally called Clovis points, 
they are now cautiously referred to as "Great 
Basin Concave Base" variants which may be 
similar to Black Rock Concave Base points and 
other later points in the Great Basin. Obsidian 
hydration analysis results were 2 to 3 microns 
greater than Little Lake points from the same 
general area and of the same obsidian. The site, 
therefore, was interpreted to be between 7000 
and 9000 years old (Basgall et al. 1986:15). 



Mono Basin 

Several large scale surveys have been under- 
taken within the Mono Basin and environs. C. 
Meighan (1955) surveyed five areas, totaling 
approximately 43 square miles, in Mono 
County. Meighan's work was the first profes- 
sional survey in Mono County, recording over 



169 



350 sites. Meighan noted a wide range of site 
types, with the highest site density in pinyon 
groves. Although Meighan believed nearly all his 
sites were protohistoric, the figures in his report 
depict projectile point types now known to span 
over 5,000 years of prehistory. 

A sample survey was conducted by Kobori et al. 
(1980) for the Bureau of Land Management's 
Coleville and Bodie Planning Units, which 
included lands in the Mono Basin, found 
evidence of occupation from between 9,000 and 
6,000 B.C. to the present. The earliest evidence 
is in the form of isolated Black Rock Concave 
Base and Northern Side-notched projectile 
points; more substantial sites, with Pinto, Elko, 
Rose Spring, Eastgate, Desert Side-notched, and 
Cottonwood projectile points, were dated . to 
after 5,000 B.C. Kobori et al. (1980) noted that 
the upper desert scrub and pinyon-juniper 
vegetation zones were most intensively used and 
that the site distribution in the pinyon-juniper 
appeared to be clustered, suggesting specialized 
exploitation of resources. Further, pinyon-juniper 
exploitation apparently occurred substantially 
earlier than Bettinger's research (Bettinger 1979) 
indicated for the Owens Valley, to the south. 

Hall (1980) conducted a large sample survey of 
the Bodie Geothermal Resource Area for the 
BLM, recording over 250 sites north of the 
Mono Basin. Hall's sites, some as old as 5,000 to 
6,000 years, included both long- and short- term 
camps, isolated rock rings, hunting blinds, 
quarries, and isolated artifacts. Hall interpreted 
the results to indicate three primary prehistoric 
land-uses: fall pinyon pine nut harvesting, 
summer to early fall deer and mountain sheep 
hunting, and obsidian quarrying for both local 
use and export. Hall, like Kobori et al. (1980) 
and Meighan (1955), noted that the highest site 
density was in the pinyon vegetation zone, but 
Hall's results indicated a dispersed distribution 
rather than the clustered distribution suggested 
by Kobori et al. (1980). 

Jackson (1985) conducted an intensive survey of 



over 26,000 acres of timber compartments for the 
Inyo National Forest on lands south of Mono 
Lake. Over 142 sites and 139 isolates were 
recorded. These included 16 occupation sites, 100 
temporary camps, and 27 task-specific sites. 
Notably, in the one compartment in the Mono 
Basin, located just east of Mono Craters, only 
one prehistoric site was located in over 5,500 
acres, although numerous historical sites were 
recorded. Jackson's survey included the surface 
collection of artifacts, on-site analysis of flaked 
stone technology, limited test excavations, and 
extensive sourcing and hydration analysis of 
collected obsidian specimens. Based upon this 
work Jackson was able to draw inferences about 
7,000 years of land use in the region and suggest 
future research directions. 

Numerous sites have been recorded as a result of 
other Forest Service surveys in the region for 
timber sales and other, smaller projects. Over 50 
percent of the timbered area in the Mono Basin 
south of Mono Lake has been surveyed; results 
of these surveys point out the widespread 
aboriginal use of the area (Weaver et al. 1982). In 
addition to these broad-scale surveys, numerous 
small project-specific surveys have been com- 
pleted in the region (e.g. Burton 1987; Clay and 
Hall 1988; Peak 1975). 

Compared to the number of archaeological 
surveys in the Mono Basin, excavations are few. 
E. L. Davis (1959) briefly reported on the 
excavation of a site (CA-MNO-384) near Grant 
Lake. A test pit was excavated beneath a fire ring 
that contained two metates, two rock bowls, and 
two manos. Three more metates, two manos, a 
large bowl, two projectile points, and a drill 
were found in the top 15 inches below the 
ground surface. At 32 to 38 inches depth a child 
burial was found, with bone awls, a bone 
pendant, abalone shell, and 70 olivella shells. The 
presence of well-preserved bone and shell 
indicated to Davis that the burial was late 
prehistoric or protohistoric. Davis also con- 
ducted surface collection at the site, reporting 
over 70 artifacts. Figures in the report indicate 



170 



that Desert Side-notched, Rosegate, and Hum- 
boldt Concave Base projectile points, and 
obsidian roughouts were collected. 

Davis also reported on petroglyphs located near 
the top of the Mono Craters, and suggested that 
they may have functioned in girls' puberty 
ceremonies (1961). 

An analysis at the Bodie Hills obsidian quarry 
(Singer and Ericson 1977) indicated that the 
primary items produced there included partially 
finished bifaces and complete blades. Singer and 
Ericson interpreted obsidian hydration data to 
demonstrate that quarrying for export began well 
before 2000 B.C., with a peak in production at 
about 1300 B.C. to 650 B.C. and a substantial 
decline circa A.D. 500. T. Jackson (1984) has 
questioned Singer and Ericson's sampling 
methodology and dating results, and cites 
evidence of continued importation of Bodie Hills 
obsidian to the west slope of the Sierra Nevada 
into early historical times. 

Bettinger (1973) conducted excavations at a site 
near June Lake (Portillo's Drill Site; FS# 05- 
04-51-05). Activities represented at the site 
include tool manufacturing and repair, and food 
preparation. The recovery of a single temporally 
diagnostic point (Desert Side-notched, A.D. 1300 
to 1850) precluded definitive dating of the site; 
the excavation was completed before widespread 
use and refinement of obsidian hydration analysis 
as a chronometric technique. 

Excavations by Peak and Gerry (1976) at the 
shallow site CA-MNO-607 in Adobe Valley, 
southeast of Mono Lake, recovered numerous 
obsidian roughouts, indicating quarry activities 
and tool manufacture. Peak and Gerry inter- 
preted the single temporally diagnostic point, an 
Elko contracting stem point, as suggesting use of 
the site ca. 3000 B.P. (Peak and Gerry 1976:21). 
Although no sourcing or hydration analysis was 
conducted, the obsidian most likely was procured 
from Glass Mountain, the nearest obsidian 
source. 



Garfinkel (1980b) conducted test excavations at 
a sparse obsidian flake scatter, CA-MNO-389, 
just beyond the southern edge of Mono Basin in 
Long Valley. The site was determined to have no 
subsurface cultural material and little potential 
for research, although the majority of obsidian 
had been procured from the Casa Diablo source. 
The site's single temporally diagnostic artifact, a 
Rose Spring Corner-notched point, suggested use 
of the area ca. A.D. 600 to 1300, and the site's 
location in the Jeffrey pine forest suggested its 
use may have been related to Piagi harvesting 
(Pandora moth larvae). 

One of the best documented excavations in the 
Mono Basin was conducted at the Lee Vining 
Creek Site, CA-MNO-446 (Bettinger 1981b). 
Eight 1 m by 1 m units (9.4 cubic meters) were 
excavated, revealing a cultural deposit over one 
meter deep. Recovered were 19 projectile points 
(mostly Elko series), 28 bifaces, two drills, 19 
unifaces, six cores, over 15,000 flakes, six milling 
stones, five manos, an abrader, a cobble tool, 
two hammerstones, a tinkler, and a quartz 
crystal. The site was interpreted as having been 
used for the production of stone tools for trade 
and food processing. Shifting frequencies in stone 
sources and in major artifact categories tend to 
support the notion that hunting and trade were 
especially important between 1000 B.C. and A.D. 
700, following which plant procurement and 
camp maintenance became dominant site 
activities. 

Hildebrandt (1981) conducted extensive sub- 
surface testing at Interlaken (CA-MNO-338) in 
the southwest portion of the Mono Basin. Work 
consisted of surface examination and excavation 
of 33 auger holes. Three temporally diagnostic 
projectile points recovered included a Humboldt, 
an Elko contracting stem, and an Elko-like point. 
While Hildebrandt made no site specific interpre- 
tations, he suggested general research questions 
for the region and determined that the site 
contained cultural material up to over a meter 
deep in a small area. 



171 



One of the most interesting excavations within 
the Mono Basin to date is the work of Matranga 
and Stearns (1982), who conducted test excava- 
tions at three sites along State Route 359 in 
Nevada in anticipation of highway construction. 
The sites, 26MN404, 26MN405, and 26MN406, 
consist of sparse to heavy density lithic scatters 
with groundstone, rock rings, and house pits. Of 
sixteen 1 m by 1 m units excavated at 26MN404, 
only one had material below 20 cm. A house 
feature was exposed but not excavated. The site 
was interpreted to have been a temporary camp 
utilized for pinyon exploitation. 

Artifacts recovered from five 1 m by 1 m 
excavation units and surface work at 26MN405 
included one drill and three points (including 
one Humboldt). All worked artifacts, and 87 
percent of the debitage, were of chert, in 
comparison with site 26MN404, where artifacts 
were approximately 50 percent obsidian. The site 
was interpreted to be a temporary hunting camp. 

At 26MN406, sixty-six 1 m by 1 m units were 
excavated, with the majority of cultural material 
recovered from above 20 cm depth. However, 
deeper artifacts, including four untypeable 
points, three Humboldt projectile points, two 
metates, and several manos, were associated with 
the remains of a house structure which had 
burned. Charcoal samples radiocarbon dated to 
2780+110 years B.P. and 2880 + 85 years B.P. 
Large game dominates the faunal assemblage, 
with few rabbits represented. Faunal evidence 
also suggested fall or winter occupation, and 
provided no evidence of group drives. The site 
was interpreted to be related to pinyon procure- 
ment, suggesting that pinyon exploitation began 
over 2500 years ago in the area. In addition, 
results suggest that the Humboldt Basal-notched 
points may have a wider temporal range than 
previously thought (cf. Bettinger 1978). 

Napton and Greathouse (1986) conducted 
investigations at another obsidian quarry, Mt. 
Hicks, in western Nevada, and helped to 
estimate the distribution of Mt. Hicks obsidian 



through surface collections and excavations at 
Mt. Hicks and Alkali Lake, northeast of Mono 
Lake. It appears that the westward distribution is 
less extensive than the northward and eastern 
distribution. 

Northwest of Mono Lake, Burton (1987) 
completed an archeological survey of 1,000 acres 
and shovel-testing of 12 sites for a proposed 
resort development at Conway Ranch. Tempo- 
rally diagnostic artifacts and features and 
obsidian hydration results indicate use from as 
early as 3500 B.C. up to the historical period. 
While the Newberry and Marana periods were 
well represented, evidence of use during the 
Haiwee period was scant. There was evidence of 
obsidian production for trade during the 
Newberry period, and to a lesser extent, during 
the Marana period. There appears to have been 
a change in emphasis at sites through time, from 
early subsistence dependent upon hunting to a 
more diverse subsistence pattern with a new 
emphasis on plant foods. 

For the Oxbow Geothermal Project, surface 
collection and excavation (124 cubic meters, 
including 10 structures) was completed at 23 sites 
located along a proposed power transmission line 
between Bishop, California, and central Nevada 
(Hall 1986, 1990, 1991). Some of the most 
interesting sites investigated during this project 
are within the Mono Basin. 

Two sites (CA-MNO-473 and CA-MNO-474), 
located on a terrace of ancient Lake Russell 
(Mono Lake), apparently predate ca. 7,500 B.P. 
Both sites contained small assemblages (800 items 
from CA-MNO-473 and a only little over 150 
items from CA-MNO-474), including a few 
bifaces and simple flake tools, five milling stones, 
and faunal remains. While most of the formal 
tools were of obsidian, the debitage was mostly 
chert (Hall, personal communication, 1989). The 
projectile points include a Great Basin Concave 
Base point (western Clovis) and 16 Great Basin 
Stemmed series points. Obsidian hydration values 
were greater than 7.0 microns. 



172 



Evidence of use of the project area during the 
Little Lake period was limited to an occasional 
projectile point and large obsidian hydration rim 
measurements at five of the 23 sites, suggesting a 
highly mobile, wide-ranging adaptation. 

The Newberry period and later sites suggest 
repeated occupations focused on particular 
resources, especially pronghorn and pinyon pine 
nuts. A couple of highly specialized sites in 
Anchorite Pass (Nevada) were utilized sometime 
between 2,500 and 1,500 B.P. Site 26MN705, 
with hundreds of projectile point fragments, 
bifaces, and only a few flakes, was interpreted as 
a kill site. A butchering site, 26MN715, yielded 
points, bifaces, flakes, and nearly 25,000 antelope 
bones. A nearly intact game drive enclosure 
dating to the late prehistoric/early historical 
period was also recorded. 

Arkush (1986, 1989, 1990) has conducted inten- 
sive work at a protohistoric-historical village east 
of Mono Lake (CA-MNO-2122). The site 
includes the remains of at least ten house 
structures, various activity loci, and three game 
drive corrals. Faunal remains at two of the drive 
structures indicate they were used for communal 
pronghorn procurement. 



A Sketch of 
Owens Valley Prehistory 

Information compiled from the various excava- 
tions and surveys provides a glimpse of prehis- 
toric lifeways in the region. Paleoindian and 
Mohave complex (pre-3500 B.C.) sites are 
indicated by Great Basin Concave Base, Mo- 
have, Silver Lake, and Fish Slough Side-notch 
ed points (Figures 7.8 and 7.9). Within Owens 
Valley proper, Paleoindian sites are limited to a 
few potential early sites at Owens Lake 
(Antevs 1952) and isolated Clovis points found 
in surface contexts (Amsden 1937; Campbell 
1949; Davis 1963). 

The earliest sites investigated in the region, 
thought to pre-date 7,500 B.P., include two 



sites in Long Valley and two sites in the Mono 
Basin. Three of these are on ancient lake terraces 
and one is located on a ridge. The sites contained 
small artifact assemblages that included bifaces, 
simple flake tools, faunal remains, and 
occasionally millingstones. The high percentage 
of non-obsidian material noted at these early sites 
has been attributed to wide-ranging mobility. 
Projectile points include Great Basin Stemmed 
series points (Mohave and Silver Lake) and Great 
Basin Concave Base points, which appear related 
to Clovis points. 

The Clyde period (3500 to 1200 B.C.), indicated 
by Little Lake and Pinto series points and Hum- 
boldt Concave Base bifaces (Figure 7.10), is 
characterized by high mobility; free-ranging 
groups maintained base camps adjacent to 
riparian areas, and made frequent short-term use 
of riparian and desert scrub temporary camps. In 
a wide-ranging adaptation, high elevations were 
used for hunting and plant gathering. Sites dating 
to the Clyde period are generally sparse, with a 
narrow artifact assemblage consistent with use by 
small highly mobile groups. The Stahl Site 
excavated in the 1940s, still remains the only 
large Clyde period site investigated. Other sites 
dated to between 3500 and 1200 B.C. are located 
within desert scrub, wetland, and forested areas, 
suggesting use of a variety of ecological zones for 
temporary camps. One of these sites contained 
numerous basal fragments of a point type 
recently defined as Fish Slough Side-notched. 

Structures and associated artifacts at Cowhorn 
period (1200 B.C. to A.D. 600) sites, indicated by 
Elko Series projectile points (see Figure 7.10), 
suggest use as seasonal base camps or temporary 
hunting sites. Moderate amounts of pinyon pine 
remains at the Lubkin Creek Site in the southern 
Owens Valley may indicate pinyon pine nuts 
were being collected by A.D. 1. Biface types 
were standardized and there was a shift to larger 
bifaces; ground stone became formalized and 
diverse. Subsistence focused on dryland and 
wetland seeds, lagomorphs, birds, and fish; large 
mammals are poorly represented. 



173 




Figure 7.8. Early projectile point types of the western Great Basin; a-e. Great Basin Stemmed series 
(Mohave, Silver Lake, Parman), f-g. Large unnamed stemmed, h-i. Great Basin Concave Base (western 
Clovis) (approximately actual size; adapted from Jennings 1986:Figures 3 and 4). 



North of the Owens Valley in the Mono Basin, 
data from the Lee Vining Site suggest hunting 
and trade were especially important during the 
Cowhorn period. Intensive Casa Diablo obsidian 
biface production has been well-documented for 



this time period in Long Valley. Hunting blinds 
and tool scatters, apparently used by small 
hunting parties, become common in higher 
elevations. 



174 



"igure 7.9. Fish Slough Side-notched projectile points (approximately actual size; adapted from Basgal 
and Giambastiani 1992:Figure 4.6). 



Baker period (A.D. 600 to 1300) sites are indi 
cated by Eastgate and Rose Spring series projec- 
tile points and Humboldt Basal-notched bifaces 
(see Figure 7.10). At many sites in the Owens 
Valley and Mono Basin, Baker period material is 
scarce suggesting only ephemeral occupation. In 
other sites, the Baker component is mixed with 
later materials, obscuring subsistence and technol- 
ogy patterns. 

Available data indicate Baker components are 
dominated by casual flake tools and shaped 
groundstone artifacts. There appears to be 
increasing settlement centralization, and a shift 
towards intensive land use focused on increased 
use of small animals and plants. Occupation sites 
at Mammoth Lakes suggest the Medieval warm 
period (A.D. 900-1350; see Moratto et al. 1978) 
opened new areas for plant exploitation, while 
high elevations continued to be used for hunting. 

Klondike period (A.D. 1300 to ca. 1840) sites are 
indicated by the presence of Desert Side-notched 
and Cottonwood projectile points (see Figure 
7.10) and Owens Valley Brown Ware ceramics. 
The trend toward intensifying land use in the 
Owens Valley continued, with some villages 
occupied essentially year-round. Many specialized 
sites were occupied by small family-sized groups, 
indicating more variability in settlement patterns 
then the large multi-family villages noted by 
Steward (1933, 1938). 

Collection of seeds and pinyon pine nuts 
intensified, and specialized extractive localities 
were established for mussel procurement and 



waterfowl hunting. Seed collecting expanded into 
marginal areas, including high elevations, and 
specialized bulk seed processing features appear. 
Game drive enclosures were constructed to 
capture antelope. Piagi (Pandora moth larvae) 
were collected in great numbers in the Jeffrey 
pine forest, a practice which may have begun in 
an earlier period. 

Klondike period artifact inventories were seen to 
parallel those at preceding Baker period sites, but 
there may have been a greater shift to expedient 
technologies with the (re)introduction of casual 
groundstone types. 

The limited amount of work conducted at proto- 
historic sites (pre- 1860) suggests they are charac- 
terized by essentially aboriginal tool-kits with a 
few Euroamerican artifacts. At many proto- 
historic sites in the Eastern Sierra glass trade 
beads are the only non-aboriginal artifacts 
present, suggesting that precontact industries 
such as flaked stone remained intact during the 
protohistonc period. However, by the historical 
period (ca. 1860-p resent), every aspect of aborigi- 
nal culture had been modified to some extent. 
Aboriginal sites occupied after 1870 contain 
primarily store-bought, manufactured goods with 
only a few traditional artifacts. This change 
appears to have been fairly complete and rapid, 
since transitional sites with worked glass or 
metal points have not been encountered. 
However, house style, some groundstone types, 
basketry, and the use of traditional native plant 
and animal resources continued well into the 
twentieth century. 



175 




ngure 7.10. Common projectile point types of the western Great Basin; a-e. Desert Side-notched series, 
f-g. Cottonwood Triangular, h-k. Rose Spring-Eastgate series (Rosegate), 1-m. Humboldt Concave Base, 
n. Humboldt Basal-notched, o-q. Elko series, r-v. Little Lake (Pinto) series (approximately actual size; 
adapted from Jennings 1986:Figures 3 and 4). 



176 



Chapter 8 



Research Objectives and Methods 




Between 1993 and 1995 the National Park 
Service completed four archeological 
projects at Manzanar National Historic 
Site. This work included archival research, 
intensive survey of over 1,200 acres, detailed 
feature recording and mapping, repeat photogra- 
phy, controlled surface collection, and subsurface 
testing. The primary goal of the archeological 
work was to identify all archaeological resources 
in and near the Historic Site related to the 
World War II-era Manzanar Relocation Center. 
When it became clear that there were numerous 
prehistoric and historical sites within the 
National Historic Site that predated the reloca- 
tion center, the scope of work was expanded to 
include gathering sufficient data to assess the 
research potential of both historical and prehis- 
toric resources (and hence National Register 
eligibility), make informed recommendations 
regarding future management of these resources, 
and acquire information useful in interpreting 
the full history of the Manzanar area. 

During the course of field work 82 archeological 
sites were discovered and recorded. Some of 
these are related to the World War II-era 
relocation center but many are older. Three 
major temporal components were encountered: 
the relocation center itself; sites associated with 
the town of Manzanar or earlier ranches; and 
Native American Indian sites. Ten Native 



American Indian sites, dozens of sites and 
features associated with the townsite and earlier 
ranches, and all of the known features of the 
relocation center have been fully recorded. 
Excavations were undertaken at four of the 
Native American Indian sites, eight features 
associated with the town of Manzanar, and three 
small relocation center trash deposits. 



Research Objectives 

The archeological work at Manzanar included 
site recording, surface collection, and excava- 
tions. Specific objectives were designed to meet 
the goals stated above: (1) ascertain the hori- 
zontal and vertical extent of the sites; (2) inves- 
tigate site structure and assess integrity; (3) 
identify and determine the age of occupation(s); 
and (4) define the quantity and quality of data 
categories present. This information would in 
turn be used to assess each site's ability to 
address research questions related to the reloca- 
tion center, the early townsite, and the Native 
American Indian occupation, as outlined 
below. 



Manzanar War Relocation Center 

In Historical Archeology of Confinement: Manza- 
nar Case Study, Kelly (1992) sets an intellectual 
framework for Manzanar studies and suggests 



177 



that archeological data from the relocation center 
itself might address several questions about 
confinement. In a supplemental research design 
Kelly (1993) identifies other issues such as 
ethnicity and perceived threat. A growing body 
of literature concerns resistance (e.g. Nishimoto 
1995; Okihiro 1973, 1984). Even basic questions 
about subsistence and living conditions may be 
important not only in themselves, but also for 
their implications. For example, Tamir et al. 
(1993) have conducted a seminal study of a 
portion of the Gila River Relocation Center in 
Arizona, in which they conclude the relocation 
center artifact assemblage can be best described as 
"ordinary" and, with the exception of Japanese 
ceramics, "could have been discarded by any 
number of contemporary American communi- 
ties" (Jensen 1993:128). 

Comparison of archival, oral history, and 
archaeological records may corroborate or 
contradict previous interpretations. For example, 
discrepancies exist between local residents and 
others (Letters to the Editor, Inyo Register 
8/27/95; Baker 1994:98) who remember one or 
two watchtowers and Japanese American 
evacuees who remember the eight watchtowers 
as depicted on War Relocation Authority 
blueprints. Archeological remains associated with 
watchtowers could provide evidence to resolve 
this discrepancy. 

Specifically, research questions formulated for the 
Manzanar Relocation Center focus on several 
interrelated themes, such as confinement, 
ethnicity, resistance, and subsistence. 

Confinement 

How does Manzanar fit within Kelly's Control 
Continuum Model? This model suggests there 
will be archeological correlates to different 
situations in which populations are detained, 
ranging from most confined (e.g. prisons, POW 
camps) to least confined (e.g. religious Utopian 
communities, military forts, and pioneering 
camps). Evidence from Manzanar may help 
address how confinement structures the physical 



evidence of occupation, whether confinement 
produces adaptive behavior identifiable in the 
archeological record, and how the confined 
group differs from the administrative and guard 
population. 

Ethnicity 

Since the Manzanar residents were confined 
because of their ethnic background, in what 
ways and to what degree, did they manifest their 
ethnicity? Do evacuee-constructed features, such 
as landscaping, gardens, and irrigation systems 
reflect their Japanese heritage? 

Resistance 

Contemporary accounts and subsequent analyses 
document obvious episodes of resistance, such as 
the Manzanar Riot/Rebellion, as well as more 
subtle forms of resistance, such as an increased 
interest in Japanese culture. Is there evidence of 
resistance in the archeological record, for 
example sabotage of facilities or equipment, 
deliberate waste, or pro-Japanese graffiti? 

Daily Life 

What was day-to-day life like — how was it 
affected by the war? Is there evidence of the 
persistence of family life in a forced communal 
setting (e.g. hot plates, family china), or other 
evidence of individualism? How do evacuee-built 
features at Manzanar compare to the other 
relocation centers — do features and trash reflect 
specific professions or backgrounds? 

The relocation centers were designed for self- 
sufficiency as much as possible; how successful 
was Manzanar in this regard? Is there evidence of 
many imported goods, and did the proportion of 
imports change through time (e.g. after farms 
were established or when the relocation center 
emptied out and the potential work force was 
reduced)? Are resources, such as concrete and 
other building materials, distributed equally? 

During the war and to this day, many believed 
that the evacuated Japanese Americans were 
"coddled" in the relocation centers (Roosevelt 



178 



1945; Baker 1991, 1994). Part of this impression 
resulted from the large quantities of food shipped 
to the relocation center to support 10,000 people 
(Garrett and Larson 1977:108, 143, 161). Is there 
evidence of any extravagance, such as expensive 
cuts of meat, or excessive waste? 



Manzanar Townsite 

Research domains for the earlier settlement at 
Manzanar are derived from those suggested by 
Burton (1990, 1992b) for sites in the eastern 
Sierra and by Ay res and Seymour (1993), 
Buckles et al. (1981), Greenwood and Foster 
(1987), Hardesty (1991), Morris (1990), and 
Stein (1990) for sites in the American West. 
Central to these questions is the comparison of 
archival, oral, and archeological data sets and 
the integrity of the archeological remains. 

Frontier Urbanism 

Do frontier towns represent transplanted 
eastern urbanism without adaptation to a 
specific environment? What is the relationship 
between urban and rural areas? Hardesty (1991) 
notes that during the Nineteenth century 
change was often more rapid in the country- 
side than in towns, because of rural ties with 
urban capitalism. Can change in economic 
pursuits and the effects of transportation im- 
provements be seen in the archeological record? 
Can town growth (such as the change from 
large ranches to small farms at Manzanar) be 
discerned archeologically? Can any adaptational 
responses to urbanism be identified? Can 
differences in economic status be identified? 
Can the degree of self-sufficiency vs. de- 
pendency be measured? 

Economics and Land Use 

What are the characteristics of boom-bust 
cycles? How does the retraction and expansion 
of capital for mining and ranching (often from 
distant sources) affect the local economy and 
culture? How rapidly did change in styles or 
technology reach the eastern Sierra? How are 
economic ties to metropolitan areas structured? 



How accurately does the historical record reflect 
actual land use patterns and economies? 

Irrigation and Water Control 

Anthropologists and historians have argued that 
the organization of irrigation and other water 
development projects fosters the development of 
stratified societies. Irrigation and water control 
have been crucial in the history of the eastern 
Sierra, not only for local ranchers and farmers 
but also for the development of Los Angeles. 
How has water development contributed to 
changes in society in the eastern Sierra? How has 
it affected patterns of land use? What were the 
effects of the large scale transfer of water to Los 
Angeles on the rural society of the Manzanar 
townsite? 



Native American Indian Sites 

As a result of previous archeological work in 
the region, numerous research questions have 
been identified for Native American Indian 
sites. The following are adapted from Burton 
(1990). 

Subsistence Change 

Bettinger (1975, 1976, 1977a, 1982a) has inter- 
preted archaeological evidence as indicating 
changes in subsistence through time. Bettinger 
and Baumhoff (1982) relate some of these 
changes to the Numic invasion/incursion, and 
postulate that a different Numic subsistence 
strategy supplanted the pre-Numic strategy. 
Other researchers (Hall 1981; Munday and Lin- 
coln 1979; Bouscaren et al. 1982; cf. Bettinger 
1979, 1981) have questioned whether there is 
sufficient evidence to support these inferences. 
Other researchers have postulated subsistence 
intensification through time (Basgall and 
McGuire 1988); did these changes reflect more 
labor-intensive strategies, or involve more 
marginal resource areas? Data on subsistence 
would be available in floral and faunal remains 
and tools related to subsistence (e.g. projectile 
points, milling equipment, hearths). 



179 



Social Organization and Territoriality 

The documented presence of craft specialization 
and hereditary headmen in the Owens Valley 
argues for established sociopolitical complexity in 
the protohistoric period (Bettinger and King 
1971). What is the geographic range and antiq- 
uity of this complexity? Estimates vary from late 
prehistoric times (Bouey and Basgall 1984), to as 
early as 5000 B.P. (Bettinger 1983). Territoriality 
is manifested in the degree of resource protection 
or restriction. Bettinger (1982b) has postulated 
that Owens Valley groups were territorial, based 
on the distribution of artifacts made of Fish 
Springs obsidian. Does the distribution of Fish 
Springs and other obsidian reflect that predicted 
by Bettinger's model? Is there other evidence of 
territoriality? Did territoriality change through 
time? 

Regional and 

Inter-regional Exchange Systems 

What was the direction and intensity of ex- 
change? Who were the producers, and who were 
the consumers? Were trade items obtained 
directly by visiting groups or through exchange 
with the local inhabitants or middlemen? What 
is the antiquity of formalized exchange systems; 
estimates vary from as early as 3500 B.P. (cf. 
Bettinger 1982a; Hughes and Bettinger 1984), to 
as recent as the late prehistoric (Basgall 1983; 
Bouey and Basgall 1984). Shell and stone beads 
have been equated with a local money economy 
in late prehistoric times, based on extensive intra- 
valley trade (Bettinger 1982b; Bettinger, Dela- 
corte, and McGuire 1984); how would this 
money economy be reflected in the archaeologi- 
cal record? How would it have affected local 
subsistence and trade? Exchange system data can 
be found in artifacts that reflect trade (e.g. non- 
local material or manufacture). 

Regional Chronology 

Researchers have provided and refined a basic 
chronology useful for the Western Great Basin 
(Bettinger and Taylor 1974; Heizer and Hester 
1976; Thomas 1981). However, refinement of 
this chronology is desirable because of the 



morphological and temporal overlap of projectile 
point types in the Inyo-Mono region (Jackson 
and Bettinger 1985:49-50; Flenniken 1985; Flenni- 
ken and Raymond 1986). Further, some types, 
such as Great Basin Stemmed series projectile 
points, are less well defined. Other temporally 
diagnostic artifacts, such as shell beads, have been 
dated primarily in contexts outside east-central 
California, often using highly variable radiocar- 
bon associations. Chronometric data can be 
derived from sites that permit temporal control 
(e.g. time sensitive artifacts, organic materials 
suitable for radiocarbon dating, or obsidian for 
hydration dating). 

Acculturation and Adaptation 

What are the mechanisms of acculturation and 
adaptation when groups of different cultural 
backgrounds (e.g. Anglo settlers and native 
Paiute) meet? Do the subsistence or settlement 
patterns exhibited differ from earlier sites? Initial 
data from the region (Arkush 1987b, 1989; 
Burton 1985; Burton and Farrell 1991; Delacorte 
and McGuire 1993) suggest profound changes in 
Native American Indian settlement in the Owens 
Valley did not occur until after the 1860s. This 
evidence needs to be augmented in order to 
examine the effects of the Euroamerican incur- 
sion on local native groups. 



Methods 

The strategies and methods used during the 
various phases of field work, analysis, and 
research are discussed below. 

Archival Research 

Prior to field work a records check was com- 
pleted in person at the Eastern Information 
Center of the California Historic Resources 
Information System located at the University of 
California, Riverside. In addition, queries were 
made with California State Parks, CALTRANS, the 
Bureau of Land Management (BLM) Bishop 
Resource Area Office, the Inyo National Forest, 
and archeological consulting firms known to 
have ongoing research interests in the region. 



180 



Previously, two archeological surveys had been 
completed on the eastern boundary of the 
National Historic Site along portions of US 
Highway 395 (Burton 1990, Weaver 1992). 
During one of these projects (Burton 1990), the 
relocation center was briefly recorded and 
assigned the trinomial designation CA-MNO- 
3802/H. The only other survey in the immediate 
vicinity was of a 40-acre parcel of Bureau of 
Land Management (BLM) land just northwest of 
the National Historic Site (BLM 1978). During 
these surveys eight archeological sites were 
recorded in the vicinity of the National Historic 
Site. They include a concrete foundation and 
associated artifact scatter, several historical trash 
dumps, a large historical Native American Indian 
village, two small sherd scatters interpreted to be 
pot busts, a lithic scatter, and an isolated pair of 
milling slicks. In addition, information from 
California State Parks indicated that a prehistoric 
site was discovered at Manzanar, but not 
recorded, during their preliminary studies in the 
1970s. 

Additional information on the Manzanar 
Relocation Center and town of Manzanar was 
obtained from a number of sources after or at 
the same time as field work progressed. Blue- 
prints and photographs of the relocation center 
were acquired from the National Archives in 
Washington, D.C., and every issue of the 
Manzanar Free Press available on microfilm was 
reviewed. Also examined were collections and 
records at the Eastern California Museum, the 
Inyo County Courthouse, University of 
California, Los Angeles, and the University of 
Arizona. The Los Angeles Department of Water 
and Power (LADWP) proved to have a wealth of 
information on the town of Manzanar, including 
plat maps, photograph albums, aerial photo- 
graphs, and land assessments. The plat maps, 
compiled in 1929, show roads, fences, pipelines, 
powerlines, previous land ownership, and major 
crop types for most developed areas of the 
Owens Valley. The photograph albums include 
photographs of every structure (including sheds 
and outhouses) owned by LADWP as of 1929. 



Field Methods 

Field work was conducted by a team of up to 
eight crew members under the supervision of 
the author. Field work consisted of five pri- 
mary tasks: survey and site recording, detailed 
feature mapping, repeat photography, 
controlled surface collection, and subsurface 
testing. Each is described below. 

Survey and Site Recording 

The entire 550-acre authorized National 
Historic Site was intensively surveyed to 
identify the presence and extent of historical 
and prehistoric remains, locate internee- 
constructed features, and identify areas and 
features for more detailed work. Within this 
area survey proceeded by relocation center 
blocks. Each block was walked by a team of 
two to three archeologists walking parallel zig- 
zag transects no greater than 2.5 m apart. 
Major vegetation, artifacts, features, and 
disturbed areas were noted and plotted on 
detailed Block Survey Records developed 
especially for this project (Figure 8.1). 
Information from the Block Survey Records 
was then transferred to a map of the National 
Historic Site prepared from an enlarged aerial 
photograph (see enclosed foldout map). 

Areas adjacent to the western and southern 
boundaries of the National Historic Site 
(approximately 430 acres; Figure 8.2) were 
surveyed to determine the extent of the 
relocation center dump and to record related 
features such as the military police compound 
and chicken ranch. These areas were surveyed 
by a two to three person crew walking parallel 
transects at intervals no greater than 15 m. 
Reconnaissance was also conducted to locate 
other outlying features associated with the 
relocation center. This included the reservoir, 
hog farm, airfield, sewer treatment plant, 
numerous ditches, and farm fields. Although 
the general locations of these features were 
known, some survey was needed to find and 
record them (approximately 220 acres, plus 9.5 
linear miles of ditch [about 50 acres]). 



181 



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182 



Most relocation center features within the 
authorized National Historic Site boundary were 
designated site MANZ 1993 A-30. Exceptions 
were the relocation center cemetery and a dump 
with a post-relocation center component. For 
clarity, distinct "features" predating the reloca- 
tion center were recorded as separate sites even 
though they overlap (or underlie) the central area 
of the relocation center (MANZ 1993 A-30). 
This seemed justified given the complexity of the 
area and the size and recent age of the relocation 
center itself. Also recorded as separate sites were 
linear sites associated with the relocation center 
even if they begin or end within site MANZ 
1993 A-30. 

Generally, historical site boundaries were defined 
to include a discrete area or group of features 
thought to represent one occupation. Prehistoric 
sites within the survey area were generally 
defined following the Eastern Information 
Center's site density criteria for Inyo and Mono 
County (15 items per 100 square meters, or a 
feature). Site numbers designate the National 
Park Service unit, project year, project designa- 
tion, and sequential number. For example, 
MANZ 1993 B-l is the first site recorded during 
the second project conducted at Manzanar 
National Historic Site in 1993. However, in this 
report the relocation center and other historical 
sites are referred to by their original names 
whenever applicable. Located sites and features 
were plotted on USGS 7.5' maps and aerial 
photographs. Site information was recorded on 
standard Archeological Site Survey Records. 
Prehistoric material not meeting the site density 
criteria was noted and plotted on the Block 
Survey Records or appropriate USGS 7.5' map. 
Site records were submitted to the CHFiS 
clearinghouse for trinomial designations. A 
concordance of site numbers is provided in 
Appendix P. 

Detailed Mapping 

The main purpose of this task was to record in 
detail features that either have significant inter- 
pretive potential or that appeared most suscepti- 



ble to vandalism. This recording consisted of 
plane-table and alidade mapping, compass and 
tape mapping, and bi-pod aerial photography as 
appropriate (Figures 8.3 and 8.4). 

Sixteen areas or features within the National 
Historic Site and six features outside were mapp- 
ed in detail. These include the relocation center 
entrance, the director's residence, the administra- 
tion building, the service station and motor pool 
area, the fire station, remains of the judo 
building, two elaborate ponds in the barracks 
area, a pond and garden complex at the reloca- 
tion center hospital, a series of foundations west 
of the hospital, the chicken ranch, three build- 
ings and the apron at the airport, a foundation 
and headworks at the sewage treatment plant, 
three town-era foundations, and a town-era dam 
(Table 8.1, Figure 8.5). Bi-pod aerial photography 
was completed at many of these and several 
other features. 

To facilitate mapping and bi-pod photography 
the overlying sand, duff, and brush was removed 
from many of these features. The amount of 
material removed varied considerably. In some 
cases the removal of sediments required as much 
time as the subsequent mapping. For example, 
one foundation, the 1,064-square-foot morgue, 
was covered by up to 30 cm of sediments 
(approximately 25 cubic meters in all; Figures 
8.6-8.9). Sediments and brush were removed with 
hand tools. Artifacts encountered during this 
work were noted with selected items collected. 

Repeat Photography 

In addition to photographs taken during the 
normal course of field work, views in historical 
photographs were retaken from the same vantage 
point. We were fortunate in that there is an 
abundance of historical photographs available 
from both the relocation center and town of 
Manzanar. These photographs were helpful in 
identifying enigmatic features such as parks, 
picnic areas, and athletic fields. Recent vegetation 
growth and other impacts were also apparent. 



183 



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figure 8.2. Archeological survey coverage at Manzanar National Historic Site and environs (adapted 
from 1982 USGS 7.5 minute maps Bee Springs Canyon, Independence, Manzanar, and Union Wash, 
California). 



184 




Figure 8.3. Plane-table mapping of hospital laundry 
room foundation. 




Figure 8.4. Overhead bi-pod photography at garbage 

can washing rack foundation. 

185 



Relocation center photographs include 
numerous examples taken by Ansel Adams, 
Toyo Miyatake Dorothea Lange, and the 
relocation center staff (Adams 1985:257-265; 
Armor and Wright 1988; Merritt file, UCLA 
Special Collections; Taylor 1942). There are 
two other major sources for photographs 
dating to the town-era. First, the LADWP 
valuation records include photographs of all 
structures present in 1929, from residences to 
latrines and sheds made of scrap wood. 
Second, there are numerous photographs in 
the Manzanar file at the Eastern California 
Museum in Independence. 

Controlled Surface 
Collection and Tabulation 

Controlled surface collection and tabulation 
was confined to the historical components 
(Figure 8.10); historical disturbance was 
deemed too extensive to make controlled 
surface collection at the Native American 
Indian sites informative. For the relocation 
center component, this task entailed the 
tabulation of all artifacts within four reloca- 
tion center barracks blocks (Blocks 12, 13, 



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8.1). 



186 



Table 8.1. 
Detailed Mapping at Manzanar National 
Historic Site and Vicinity (numbers keyed 
to Figure 8.5). 

1. Entrance and Police Station (MANZ 1993 A-30, Features 
P-21 through P-26). 

2. Administration Building Area (MANZ 1993 A-30, 
Features A-l, A- 13, and A- 14). 

3. Director's Residence (MANZ 1993 A-30, Features S-l and 
S-19). 

4. Apartment "D" Patio (MANZ 1993 A-30, Feature A-8). 

5. Automotive Service Garage (MANZ 1993 A-30, Feature 
G-4). 

6. Service Station and Motor Pool Office (MANZ 1993 A- 
30, Features Se-1 through Se-6). 

7. Fire Station (MANZ 1993 A-30, Feature 13-1). 

8. Judo House (MANZ 1993 A-30, Features J-l through J- 
3). 

9. Block 12 Pond (MANZ 1993 A-30, Feature 12-1). 

10. Block 22 Pond (MANZ 1993 A-30, Feature 22-3). 

11. Hospital Pond (MANZ 1993 A-30, Feature H-5). 

12. Hospital Auxiliary Buildings (MANZ 1993 A-30, Feature 
H-8 to H-ll, H-20, and H-21). 

13. Foundation (MANZ 1993 A-30, Feature P-7). 

14. Christopher House (MANZ 1993 A-9). 

15. Gilmer Farm (MANZ 1993 A-6). 

16. Manzanar Store (MANZ 1993 A-16, Feature 2). 

17. Relocation Center Chicken Ranch (MANZ 1993 A-31) 

18. Town Water System Intake Dam (MANZ 1993 B-29, 
Feature 12). 

19. Sewage Treatment Plant Control Room and Headworks 
(MANZ 1993 B-28, Features 1 and 2). 

20. Manzanar Airport Buildings and Apron (MANZ 1993 B- 
27, Features 1 through 4). 



14, 21) and the staff housing area. These blocks 
were subdivided into smaller units for tabulation 
(Figure 8.11). Three trash scatters associated with 
the town of Manzanar that appeared to be 
primarily surface in nature were selected for 
examination. Artifacts within three contiguous 
1 m by 2 m units were tabulated at each of these 
features. 

Following Stein (1988) the following guidelines 
for artifact collection were used: 



nails were collected. 
Cans - these were recorded in field as to form, shape, size, 

method of opening, and reuse, with only representative 

examples collected. 
Lumber - these items were tabulated, measured, and not 

collected. 
Other artifacts - common artifacts, such as coat hangers, 

screws, and light bulbs, were identified, tabulated, and 

not collected. Unusual and rare items were collected. 



Subsurface Testing 

Twenty -six 1 m by 1 m test units were excavated 
at sites within the authorized boundary of 
Manzanar National Historic Site (Figure 8.12). 
Tested areas included four Native American 
Indian sites, a sample of pre-relocation center 
town features, and three features associated with 
the relocation center (Table 8.2). 

Subsurface testing of the relocation center 
component at Manzanar was limited in scope. 
Two units were excavated at a small landfill 
(MANZ 1993 A-37) west of the relocation center 
hospital and one unit each was excavated at two 
small trash deposits located just north of Block 
35 (Features P-18 and P-19). 

Four sites were selected for testing to assess the 
data potential of the town-era component at 
Manzanar. Two units were excavated at the 
Gilmer Farm (MANZ 1993 A-6) in the north- 
west portion of the National Historic Site, two 
artifact scatters at the OVI Headquarters/John 
Shepherd Ranch (MANZ 1993 A- 13) in the 
North Park area of the relocation center were 
tested, two small trash deposits in "downtown" 
Manzanar (MANZ 1993 A-16) were tested, and 
one unit was excavated in the central portion of 
the National Historic Site near the former 
location of the Campbell/Ed Shepherd House 
(MANZ 1993 A-28). 



Ceramics - all but small undecorated fragments were 
collected. 

Glass - fragments with embossed or painted writing, 
bottle bases, and fragments with neck finishes were 
collected. Other glass fragments and flat (window) glass 
were tabulated by color and type with only selected 
pieces collected. 

Nails - wire nails were tabulated and not collected. Cut 



Four of the five Native American Indian sites 
within the National Historic Site were tested. 
Two units were excavated at MANZ 1993 A-l, 
five units at MANZ 1993 A-2, two units at 
MANZ 1993 A-3, and six units at MANZ 1993 
A-4. Due to extensive historical disturbance, 



187 




Figure 8.6. Relocation center morgue foundation pi 
overburden. 



to removal of 




Figure 8.7. Clearing overburden from morgue foundation. 



testing at the fifth site (MANZ 1993 A- 19) was 
not considered crucial at this time. 

Excavation units were aligned with magnetic 
north. The highest corner of the unit was 



designated the unit datum and was considered 
the "O-elevation." Excavation proceeded in 
arbitrary 10-cm levels. The units were excavated 
mainly by shovel, but trowels, dustpans, and 
small picks were used as needed. 



188 




Figure 8.8. Morgue foundation partially cleared of overburden. 




Figure 8.9. Morgue foundation cleared of overburden. 



All sediments were screened through 1/4- or 1/8- 
inch-mesh hardware cloth (Figures 8.13 and 
8.14). All artifacts and ecofacts remaining in the 
screens were collected. Each class of material (e.g. 
lithics, ceramics, glass) was bagged separately by 



unit and level. Disturbed deposits within 
excavation units, either from rodents or other 
causes was excavated and screened separately if 
possible. Radiocarbon, pollen, and flotation 
samples were collected as appropriate. Due to 



189 




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Locus F 



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Figure 8.10. Surface collection/tabulation areas at Manzanar National Historic Site. 



190 



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at residential and Staff Housing blocks. 



time constraints and the large amount of 
historical remains encountered in one of the 
excavation units (number 26), some items, such 
as can and glass fragments, were inventoried and 
discarded in the field with only representative 
samples collected. 

Excavation data were recorded in the field on 
standardized unit level forms (Figure 8.15). Soils 
were described according to texture, color (using 
Munsell soil color charts), and depth. Units were 
excavated to "sterile" soil (operationally defined 
as levels exhibiting a significant drop in cultural 
material). Following excavation, a profile of at 
least one wall of each 1 m by 1 m excavation 
unit was drawn and photographed, and time 
markers (1993 pennies and other items) were 
placed at the bottom. All units were backfilled to 
approximate pre-excavation ground surface 
contours. 

At one of the sites (MANZ 1993 A-4), a burial 
was discovered during excavation. After the 
remains were encountered surrounding sediments 
were excavated only enough to determine if the 
bones represented an intact burial, and if so, to 
determine ethnicity and temporal period of the 
remains. Human bone itself was not moved, and 
associated artifacts were drawn and photographed 
then replaced and the whole imhumation 
reburied. 



Table 8.2. 
Distribution of 1 m by 1 m Test Units at Manzanar National 
Historic Site. 



NPS Site Number 



Temporal Component 



Number of Units 



MANZ 1993 A-l 
MANZ 1993 A-2 
MANZ 1993 A-3 
MANZ 1993 A-4 
MANZ 1993 A-6 
MANZ 1993 A-13 
MANZ 1993 A- 16 
MANZ 1993 A-28 
MANZ 1993 A-30, Fea. P-12 
MANZ 1993 A-30, Fea. P-18 
MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus A 
MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus C 



Native American Indian 
Native American Indian 
Native American Indian 
Native American Indian 
Town of Manzanar 
Town of Manzanar 
Town of Manzanar 
Town of Manzanar 
Manzanar Relocation Center 
Manzanar Relocation Center 
Manzanar Relocation Center 
Post-Relocation Center 



191 




Figure 8.12. Distribution of excavation units at Manzanar National Historic Site. 



192 




Figure 8.13. Excavation of Unit 12 at site MANZ 1993 A-4. 




Figure 8.14. Screening sediments from Unit 26 at site 
MANZ 1993 A-37. 

193 



Laboratory Methods, 
Cataloging, and Curation 

Collected materials were transported to the 
Western Archeological and Conservation 
Center (WACC) upon completion of field 
work. Artifacts were cleaned and treated 
for emergency conservation as needed. 
Sherds, lithics, and glass were cleaned using 
tap water and a small amount of isotonic 
soap. Bone, wood, and metal were dry- 
cleaned using brushes and toothpicks. 
Artifacts and samples not sent to specialists 
for analysis were analyzed at WACC. 

Material requiring specialized analyses were 
sent to the following persons: historical 
ceramics to Teresita Majewski (Statistical 
Research), buttons to C. Lynn Rogers 
(Carson City, Nevada), and pollen samples 
to Suzanne K. Fish (Arizona State 
Museum). Samples for radiocarbon dating 
were sent to Beta Analytic (Coral Gables, 
Florida). Obsidian was sent to Richard 
Hughes (Geochemical Research Laboratory, 
Rancho Cordova, California) for x-ray 
fluorescence analysis (chemical-sourcing) and 



Unit Level Record 



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to Tom Origer (Sonoma State University) for 
hydration analysis (dating). 

All artifacts and samples were catalogued into the 
Automated National Catalog System (ANCS) 
and assigned permanent catalog numbers. 
However, due to time and editorial constraints 
the ANCS catalog numbers are not used in this 
report; temporary numbers assigned in the field 
are used instead. All artifacts, specimens, and 
samples are curated to National Park Service 
standards in the WACC Museum Collections 
Repository (Accession Numbers 876 and 877). 
Photographic materials are curated in the WACC 
library (Accession Numbers 93:4, 93:7, 94:8, and 
95:9). Site and feature records, maps, and field 
notes are curated in the WACC Division of 
Archeology archives (Project Numbers MANZ 
1993 A, MANZ 1993 B, MANZ 1994 A, and 
MANZ 1995 A). 

Analytical Procedures 

Artifacts were analyzed by provenience for 
function, use, cultural association, chronologi- 
cal implications, spatial patterning, and intra- 
assemblage patterning. 

Historical Artifacts 

Several references were consulted to aid in the 
identification and dating of historical artifacts. 
Crown Publishers (1969), Fontana and Green- 



leaf (1962), Gillio et al. (1980), Hull-Walski and 
Ayres (1989), Israel (1968), and Schroeder (1971, 
1973) provide general information on a range of 
artifact classes and types. Other sources are more 
specific, for example APT (1980) for hardware, 
Nelson (1968) for nails, and Tod (1977) for 
electrical porcelain. Cans were identified and 
dated using references by Rock (1980a, 1984) and 
Simonis (n.d.); glass by Jones and Sullivan (1989); 
beverage and food bottles by Rock (1980b) and 
Toulouse (1971); and pharmaceutical and medical 
items by Cook (1948), Hoover (1975), and 
McPherrin (1947). References for ceramics 
included those by Bal dinger (1995), Barber 
(1967), Cameron (1986), Chipman (1992), 
Danckert (1981), DeBolt (1994), Gates and 
Ormerod (1982), Godden (1964, 1993), Greer 
(1981), Hamer and Hamer (1986), Ketchum 
(1971), Kovel and Kovel (1953, 1986), and Lehner 
(1988). Japanese ceramics were identified using 
references by Gorham (1971), Schiffer (1986), and 
Stitt (1974). Button references included Albert 
and Adams (1970), Albert and Kent (1949); 
Anonymous (1983), Cray (1978), Gehret (1976), 
Luscomb (1979), and others. 

After preliminary identification and dating, the 
historical artifacts were classified and analyzed by 
function following a system devised by Blee 
(1987) and Rhodes (1988). These classes include 
structural artifacts, domestic artifacts, personal 



194 



artifacts, artifacts associated with other activities, 
and unclassified artifacts. Within each of these 
functional groups artifacts are further subdivided 
into more specific classes. 

Structural artifacts are items associated with the 
physical presence of a building or other struc- 
ture. They may have been used in its construc- 
tion, use, or repair, or resulted from its demoli- 
tion. Included in this group are structural 
materials, window glass, hardware, nails, and 
artifacts associated with utilities. The structural 
materials class includes brick, mortar, lumber, 
tile, flashing, roofing material, and other similar 
items. The hardware class includes construction 
hardware (excluding nails covered separately 
below), door and window hardware, cabinet 
hardware, and miscellaneous fasteners and 
fittings. Artifacts classified under utilities would 
include electrical porcelain, electrical wire, light 
bulbs, water and sewer pipe, and fragments of 
bathroom fixtures. 

Domestic artifacts are those that result from the 
daily routine operation of a household, and that 
tend to have been owned and used by most 
members of a household. These include items 
used for the storage, preparation, serving, and 
consumption of food and beverages. Household 
furnishings and pharmaceutical items are also in- 
cluded here. Color, shape, and other attributes 
were used to assign bottle function (Jones and 
Sullivan 1985; Lorrain 1968). All nonidentifiable 
curved glass fragments are included in the 
domestic artifact group and are classified based 
solely on color (cf. Rhodes 1988:204; Teague and 
Shenk 1977:114); black, green, and brown glass 
are included under beverage storage, while clear 
and aqua glass are included under food storage. 

The beverage storage class includes items used in 
the storage of beverages, such as alcohol and soda 
bottles. Color and lip morphology are used to 
further separate types. The food storage category 
includes both metal fragments from items such as 
cans, lids, and caps, and glass fragments from 
colorless glass jars and bottles which were 



commonly used for condiments. Aqua glass, 
generally used in milk bottles, is also included 
here. Food preparation artifacts are those items 
associated with the making of food, such as 
frying pans and other cook wear. Food serving 
artifacts are those generally associated with the 
serving and eating of food, including table service 
items such as plates, bowls, glasses, cups, and 
utensils. Pressed, etched, and cut glass fragments 
are assumed to be part of this class unless they 
can be identified as otherwise. The furnishings 
class includes household furnishings and house- 
keeping items, such as stove parts, bed parts, 
parts of other furniture, clothing irons, clothes 
hangers, and clothes pins. Pharmaceutical items 
include drug and syrup bottles, fragments of blue 
and white glass, and medical waste. 

Personal artifacts are items that were most likely 
to have been individually owned and may have 
been carried around on one's person. This in- 
cludes clothing, jewelry, grooming and hygiene 
items, and money. The clothing class includes 
cloth and leather fragments, buttons, rivets, 
buckles, and safety pins. Grooming and hygiene 
items include perfume bottles, razors, razor 
blades, toothbrushes, toothpaste and lipstick 
tubes, and shampoo containers. 

Activities group artifacts includes those that 
might have been used in specialized activities 
which occur outside the normal household 
routine. Examples include military buttons, 
ammunition, toys, writing and printing equip- 
ment, harness fittings, miscellaneous tools, and 
artifacts associated with leisure activities. 
Examples of artifacts associated with leisure 
activities include phonograph record fragments, 
lantern parts and other camping equipment, and 
tobacco tins. 

Unclassified artifacts include unidentified artifacts 
as well as artifacts with potentially multiple 
functions (such as smooth wire) which hindered 
placing them in a particular category, and 
artifacts too fragmentary or altered to further 
classify. 



195 



Prehistoric Artifacts 

Prehistoric artifacts were classified following the 
analytical procedures and nomenclature used by 
other researchers in the Owens Valley (e.g. 
Bettinger 1989; Basgall and McGuire 1988; Dela- 
corte and McGuire 1993). Artifacts were first 
divided into categories based on gross morphol- 
ogy and presumed function. Subsequent analyses 
vary by artifact category, but include determina- 
tion of material type, metric attributes, and 
condition and classification using established 
Great Basin typologies. 

Litbic Material Classification 
Lithics were first sorted by material type: 
cryptocrystalline, basalt/igneous, or obsidian. 
Obsidian was further differentiated to source 
based on visual inspection. 

The cryptocrystalline material category, for this 
analysis, includes chert, chalcedony, and jasper. 
Chert colors are highly variable ranging from 
very light tan and gold to gray and brown, and 
include fine-grained to coarse-grained specimens. 
Chalcedony is light-colored/white, translucent, 
and extremely fine-grained. Jasper is fine-grained 
and red or gold in color. These materials are 
apparently cobble-derived and were probably 
obtained from the alluvial fans and stream 
terraces in the surrounding area. 

Basalt and igneous rock quarries have been less 
intensively studied than obsidian quarries, but 
several potential sources lie within the Owens 
Valley. Basalt lava flows occur 15 miles north of 
Manzanar between Sawmill and Big Pine Creeks 
and 50 miles south of Manzanar near Coso 
Junction and Little Lake. 

Obsidian, by far the most common flaked stone 
material at prehistoric sites in the Owens Valley, 
is available at several locations in the region. The 
closest sources to the Manzanar area include Fish 
Springs, 23 miles north near Big Pine, and the 
Coso Volcanic field, 50 miles south. Other 
obsidian sources commonly represented at sites 
in the Owens Valley include Casa Diablo (75 



miles northwest of Manzanar), Mono Glass 
Mountain (75 miles north-northwest), Queen (85 
miles north), and "Queen Imposter" (from a 
presently unknown location). 

To estimate the relative frequency of the 
different obsidian sources all recovered obsidian 
artifacts were visually sourced following the 
criteria in Bettinger, Delacorte, and Jackson 
(1984), Burton (1990), and Clay and Hall (1988) 
(Appendix J). To provide a check of the visual 
sourcing a small sample of obsidian was also 
submitted for chemical source analysis (Appendix 
K). To provide chrono metric data, obsidian 
attributed to the Fish Springs source was submit- 
ted for obsidian hydration analysis. The hydra- 
tion rim values were converted to calendar dates 
using the hydration rate for Fish Springs 
obsidian used by Delacourte and McGuire (1993) 
of radiocarbon years B.P.= 120. 23x' 62 . 

Projectile Points 

Projectile points are bifacially flaked tools 
presumed to have been used to tip darts or 
arrows. Analyses of associated chronometric 
evidence have indicated that point styles changed 
through time, with shape and size varying with 
projectile type, hafting technique, and other 
factors (see Figures 7.8-7.10). 

Desert Series 

Desert Series projectile points include Desert 
Side-notched, Cottonwood Triangular, and 
Cottonwood Leaf-shaped types. The Desert Side- 
notched type was defined by Baumhoff and 
Byrne (1959), Lanning (1963), and Thomas 
(1981); they are described as "small triangular 
points with notches high on the side" (Lanning 
1963:253), that weigh less than 1.5 grams with a 
basal width/maximum width ratio greater than 
0.9 (Thomas 1981:18). Heizer and Hester (1978: 
163-165) propose a date range of A.D. 1 100/1200 
to historical times for this type based on radio- 
carbon results. However, A.D. 1300 to historical 
times is the more commonly accepted date range 
for the western Great Basin (Bettinger and 
Taylor 1974; Thomas 1981). Baumhoff and Byrne 



196 



(1959) further divide Desert Side-notched points 
into four subtypes, based on variations in shape: 
the Sierra subtype with notched bases, the 
General subtype with concave bases, the Delta 
subtype with V-shaped bases, and the Redding 
subtype with bell-shaped bases and comma- 
shaped notches. 

Cottonwood Triangular points, are defined by 
Heizer and Baumhoff (1961: 128), Lanning (1963), 
Bettinger and Taylor (1974), and Thomas (1981). 
They are "small, unnotched, thin triangular 
points" that weigh less than 1.5 grams, are less 
than 4 mm thick, and have a basal width/ 
maximum width ratio greater than 0.9 (Thomas 
1981:16). The time range for these points is 
generally agreed to be from A.D. 1300 to the 
historical period. 

Cottonwood Leaf-shaped points are small 
convex-sided points with convex, straight, round- 
ed, or pointed bases; maximum width is near the 
base (Jackson and Bettinger 1985; Lanning 1963: 
253). The type has the same time span (post 
A.D. 1300) and stylistically tends to intergrade 
with Cottonwood Triangular points. 



Elko Series 

The Elko series was first described by Heizer and 
Baumhoff (1961) to include Eared, Corner-notch- 
ed, and Contracting Stem types; Heizer, Baum- 
hoff and Clewlow (1968) added an Elko Side- 
notched type to the series. Bettinger and Taylor 
(1974) consider the Elko series a time-marker for 
the Cowhorn (Newberry) period, from 1200 
B.C. to A.D. 600. Thomas (1981) generally agrees 
with this time span for most of the types in the 
series with two exceptions: he believes the Elko 
Side-notched point could be as late as A.D. 1300; 
secondly, he believes the Contracting Stem 
variety is much older, and includes them with 
Little Lake Split Stem points in his "Gatecliff" 
series, dating from 3000 B.C. to 1300 B.C. Some 
researchers feel that Thomas's re-classification of 
the Elko series does not apply to the Long 
Valley area, and have used the original classifica- 
tion scheme (e.g. Jackson 1985). Elko series 
points are generally large (over 3 grams, accord- 
ing to Jackson and Bettinger [1985:57]), triangu- 
lar, and stemmed. The use of the atlatl is inferred 
for Elko series points, and the different basal 
forms (subtypes) may indicate different hafting 
methods (Jackson and Bettinger 1985:57). 



Rosegate Series 

The Rosegate series was defined by Thomas 
(1981) to include both Rose Spring and Eastgate 
series points, because of their contemporaneous 
time span (A.D. 700 to 1300) and conterminous 
distribution in the Great Basin. In addition, 
morphological characteristics of the two series 
grade into each other. Both series have been said 
to look like small Elko points; this similarity has 
been inferred to indicate the adaptation of the 
older point style for use with the bow and 
arrow. Thomas's definition quantifies criteria set 
by Lanning (1963), to include points with basal 
width less than or equal to 10 mm, a proximal 
shoulder angle between 90 degrees and 130 
degrees, and a neck width less than or equal to 
the sum of the basal width plus 0.5 mm (Thomas 
1981:19). 



Little Lake Series 

The Little Lake type is described as "large and 
shouldered, with nearly parallel sided stems and 
notched or concave bases" (Jackson 1985:55). 
Originally termed "Pinto," (Harrington 1957; 
Campbell and Campbell 1935), Lanning named 
the type "Little Lake" after discovering more 
occurrences of the points in the Owens Valley 
(1963:251). Bettinger and Taylor (1974) suggest a 
date range between 4000 and 1200 B.C.; Bettin- 
ger (1975) subsequently revised the beginning 
date to 3500 B.C. Thomas (1981) includes the 
Pinto type in his Gatecliff series, dated between 
3000 and 1300 B.C. 

Bifacial Tools 

Finished bifacial tools have a thin lenticular 
cross-section, symmetrical edges, and a regular 
flaking pattern with flake scars indicating the 



197 



predominant use of pressure flaking. Bifacial 
tools have been interpreted as general purpose 
tools, perhaps for butchering, drilling, and light 
woodworking. However, as Jackson (1985) 
points out, a working taxonomy has not yet 
been developed for finished tools in the Inyo- 
Mono region; it is not known whether differ- 
ences in form among finished bifacial tools are 
functionally significant. 

Drills 

Drills have narrow, parallel, lateral edges at the 
distal end, which can sometimes flare to a broad- 
er base. 

Humboldt Bifaces 

Humboldt bifaces were first defined by Heizer 
and Clewlow (1968) as lanceolate to triangular, 
with three subtypes based on basal characteris- 
tics: Concave Base A, Concave Base B, and Basal- 
notched. Thomas defines the series as "unnotch- 
ed, lanceolate, concave-base projectile points of 
variable size" with a basal width/maximum 
width ratio less than or equal to 0.90, a basal 
indentation ratio less than 0.98, and weight 
generally greater than or equal to 1.5 grams, 
length greater than or equal to 40 mm, and 
thickness generally greater than or equal to 4.0 
mm (Thomas 1981:17). 

Although Humboldt bifaces are often considered 
a poor time marker, different time spans have 
been proposed for the three subtypes. Heizer and 
Clewlow suggested 2500 to 1200 B.C. for the 
Concave Base A, post-A.D. 600 for Concave Base 
B, and pre-A.D. 600 for the Basal-notched. Some 
researchers suggest that these points may indicate 
specialized use in communal hunting situations 
(Thomas 1981; Jackson 1985). Bettinger and 
Taylor (1974) proposed that the Basal-notched 
form is actually a knife, dating between A.D. 600 
and 1300. Recent research suggests that the 
Humboldt series were contemporaneous with the 
Elko Series, from 1200 B.C. to A.D. 600 (Jackson 
1985). 



Preforms 

Preforms represent an unfinished product and 
were a major item of trans-sierran trade (Basgall 
1982, 1983; Bouscaren et al. 1982; Jackson 1985: 
142-161). Characteristics of preforms include a 
lenticular cross-section, centered edges, predomi- 
nate use of percussion flaking, and a thickness/ 
width ratio generally less than 0.3. 

Scrapers 

Scrapers have invasive, contiguous retouch along 

one or more edges. They are relatively thick and 

steep-angled. 

Flake Tools 

The flake tool category includes both retouched 
and use-modified specimens. Since the morpho- 
logical characteristics of purposefully made flake 
tools (retouched flakes and pieces) and use- 
modified flakes overlap in reality, the categories 
are combined here. Both represent a significantly 
less "intensive" tool technology than that of the 
formal tools discussed above. 

An artifact is considered a flake tool if an edge 
exhibits three or more contiguous flake scars 
which may also show use-wear, or if there is a 
single "notch" which exhibits use-wear. These 
may be the result of deliberate flaking to create 
or maintain a desired working edge (Crabtree 
1982:50) or the result of crushing during use. 
Flake tools were used for simple cutting and 
scraping tasks, such as butchering or the 
manufacture and repair of baskets. They consist 
largely of minimally worked flakes suitable for 
quick use and discard; flaking can occur on one 
or more edges. 

Cores and Core Fragments 

Cores are cobbles, blocks, or large flakes of lithic 
material from which tools, and hence flakes and 
debris (debitage), were produced. An artifact is 
considered a core if it exhibits one or more 
negative flake scars (Crabtree 1982:43). Cores 
generally are "irregular to cuboidal in configura- 
tion, exhibit multiple negative flake scars 
(typically on three or more adjoining facets), and 



198 



have considerable cortex coverage" (Basgall 
1983:62-64). 

Bifacial or bi-directional cores have flakes 
removed from two directions (Crabtree 1982:16). 
Unidirectional cores have flakes removed from 
one direction (Crabtree 1982:57). Irregular cores 
or multidirectional cores have flakes removed in 
more than two directions (Crabtree 1982:43). Ex- 
hausted cores are subjectively defined as cores 
from which all useable flakes have been removed, 
as a result of diminished amount of material, 
reduction in platform size, or the development 
of step or hinge fractures (Crabtree 1982:83). 

Core fragments are pieces of shattered core, 
broken along flaws or some other structural 
weakness during reduction. They are generally 
blocky in form, and exhibit at least one negative 
flake scar. 

Debitage 

Debitage includes flakes of lithic material 
resulting from tool manufacture or core reduc- 
tion. Debitage is a useful indicator of lithic 
technology and past behavior (Berry 1984; Rozen 
1981; Schiffer 1976; Sullivan and Rozen 1985). 
Collins (1975) and Berry (1984) discuss the 
potential complexity in the life of a flake; it is 
still not well understood how to determine all of 
the natural and cultural transformation processes 
that may be affecting flaked stone assemblages. 
However, because debitage usually remains at the 
area of manufacture, it would seem a more 
reliable source of manufacturing data than 
finished tools (Collins 1975:19). 



Owens Valley Brown Ware 

As defined by H. Riddell (1951) on the basis of 
some 900 sherds from CA-INY-2, Owens Valley 
Brown Ware is a plain, unslipped, unpainted 
pottery, manufactured by coiling and scraping 
(except for the base, which is molded from a 
single lump of clay), and fired in an oxidizing 
atmosphere, "although often uncontrolled"; core 
colors are light red or brown to light gray or 



black; core texture ranges from fine to coarse 
and temper includes "very fine rounded quartz 
sand to large rounded quartz sand; mica [is] 
present in amounts from small to very notice- 
able," and walls are weak to medium strong; the 
surface is dull and ranges in color from reddish 
brown to brown on the exterior and light gray 
to black on the interior; vessel walls tend to be 
3-8 mm thick and are undecorated except for 
occasional fingernail indentations along the top 
of the rim top or below the rim on the interior 
or exterior. 

Owens Valley Brown Ware is generally consid- 
ered to date to between A.D. 1300 and historical 
times (Riddell and Riddell 1956; Lanning 1963; 
Bettinger 1977a, 1989). However, the beginning 
date of brown wares in the Owens Valley may 
have been much later. Riddell (1951) dates the 
appearance of Owens Valley Brown Ware at CA- 
INY-2 sometime after A.D. 1650. Chronological 
evidence from recent excavations at CA-INY-30, 
a large prehistoric residential site with abundant 
Owens Valley Brown Ware pottery (Basgall and 
McGuire 1988), suggest that brown wares were 
not present at that site until after A.D. 1650 as 
well (Rhode 1994). 



Groundstone Artifacts 

Groundstone artifacts are implements that have 
been shaped primary by grinding. This class of 
artifacts includes, but is not limited to, manos, 
metates (milling slabs), mortars, pestles, abraders, 
and pipes (Fratt 1992a; Johnson 1993). Changes 
in groundstone technology through time have 
been interpreted as responses to changes in 
subsistence. For example, an increase in variation 
may imply an increase in specialization, while an 
increase in number may suggest an increase in 
the amount of use (Fratt 1992b:18). 

A mano is a stone held in one or both hands and 
moved across the surface of a larger stone 
(metate) to grind or pulverize seeds or other 
materials. Several mano types are commonly 
encountered at archeological sites in the Inyo- 



199 



Mono region. On the most basic level these can 
be categorized as shaped or unshaped. Unshaped 
manos consist of cobbles unmodified except 
through use. Shaped manos exhibit pecking and 
grinding around their circumference and vary in 
outline from round to subrectangular. In general, 
round manos are used with basin metates and 
oval and subrectangular manos with trough or 
slab metates. Use-wear can occur on one or more 
surfaces; unifacial manos have only one grinding 
surface, bifacial manos have two opposite 
grinding surfaces. Preliminary data suggests that 
in the Sierra Nevada bifacial oval-shaped manos 
pre-date A.D. 600 (Burton 1985a, 1985b; 
Goldberg 1984). 

As the name implies, trough metates have a 
linear grinding surface enclosed on two sides, the 
ends may or may not be open. The grinding 
surface of a basin metates is a round or oval 
depression. Slab metates have a flat grinding 
surface. Typically, basin and slab metates are 
only minimally shaped. 

Mortars have a concavity in one surface that was 
used with a pestle for the pounding and grinding 
of soft foods and other materials. Mortars exhibit 



varying degrees of shaping and include bedrock 
examples. Pestles are relatively thin, elongated, 
cylindrical stones whose blunt ends show 
evidence of pounding or crushing. On the west 
slope of the Sierra Nevada, where they are more 
common, bedrock mortars are characteristic of 
the Raymond and Madera phases at Buchanan 
Reservoir, and date from A.D. 300 to 1850 
(Moratto 1984). In the Inyo-Mono region 
bedrock mortars are typically associated with late 
prehistoric material, dating post A.D. 600 
(Basgall and McGuire 1988; Bouy 1990; Bettinger 
1989; Burton 1985a, 1987, 1990, 1995; Haney 
1992) 

Other Artifact Classes 

In general, the identification of other artifact 
classes followed that used by other researchers in 
the region. The primary sources consulted 
include Bennyhoff and Hughes (1987) for shell 
beads and Basgall and McGuire (1988), Bettinger 
(1989), Bettinger, Delacorte, and McGuire (1984), 
Burton (1985a), Goldberg et al. (1986), Johnston 
(1993), and Moratto (1984) for various other 
artifact types. 



200 



Chapter 9 

Relocation Center Sites 

Within Manzanar National Historic Site 




In all, the Manzanar Relocation Center 
encompassed some 6,500 acres. The autho- 
rized 550-acre National Historic Site includes 
only the residential and administration areas, 
once surrounded by barbed wire, and an adjacent 
cemetery. Most of the features and artifacts 
within the National Historic Site dating to the 
use of the relocation center were recorded as a 
single site, MANZ 1993 A-30. However, the 
cemetery and a dump with a post-relocation 
center component, were recorded as separate sites 
(MANZ 1993 A-33 and MANZ 1993 A-37, 
Figure 9.1). Beyond the barbed wire were other 
facilities, described in Chapter 10. 

Pre-relocation center historical sites and Native 
American Indian sites within the National 
Historic Site boundary were recorded as separate 
sites and are described in Chapters 11 and 13. 
Detailed site records are on file at the California 
Historic Resources Information System's 
(CHRIS) Eastern Information Center (University 
of California, Riverside) and at the Western 
Archeological and Conservation Center (Tucson, 
Arizona). 



Relocation Center Central Area 

(MANZ 1993 A-30) 
The central portion of the relocation center 
covers an area of approximately 540 acres. 



Paved roads divide the central portion of the 
relocation center into 67 blocks, including 36 
residential blocks, two staff housing blocks, an 
administrative block, two warehouse blocks, a 
garage and warehouse block, and a hospital 
block. The 24 remaining blocks, located through- 
out the center, served as firebreaks (Figure 9.2). 

Facilities included over 500 barracks, three 
doctors and nurses quarters, 20 staff apartment 
buildings, two staff dormitory buildings, five 
administration buildings, 44 warehouses, 75 
latrines, 38 mess halls, 38 laundry rooms, 36 
ironing rooms, 35 community buildings, eight 
hospital buildings, a morgue, a heating building, 
eight watchtowers, three perimeter guardhouses, 
a sentry post, a police post, five factories, six 
garages, a motor pool office, a service station, an 
auditorium, three orphanage buildings, two 
outdoor theaters, seven small unidentified 
buildings, a golf course, Judo and Kendo 
buildings, a lath house, athletic fields, victory 
gardens, ponds and gardens, and electrical, sewer, 
and water systems. 

All but three of the over 1,600 buildings 
originally at the site have been removed (Figure 
9.3). Building designations below are based on 
locations and names depicted on relocation 
center blueprints (see Chapter 4). The central 
portion of the relocation center encompasses 



201 



MANZ1993 
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Figure 9.1. Block designations and relocation center sites within Manzanar National Historic Site. 



202 




Figure 9.2. 1944 aerial photograph of Manzanar Relocation Center (north to top; courtesy of LADWP 
Bishop Office). 



203 




Figure 9.3. 1992 aerial photograph of Manzanar Relocation Center (north to top). 



204 



over 800 archeological features and includes the 
three standing buildings, concrete and rock walls, 
concrete slab foundations, concrete perimeter 
foundations, concrete footing blocks, roads and 
parking areas, concrete and asphalt sidewalks, 
concrete steps and stoops, manholes, sewer and 
water lines, rock alignments, ponds and gardens, 
orchards and other historical vegetation, ditches, 
victory gardens, athletic fields, and charcoal, 
rubble, and trash concentrations. 

Archeological features identified within the 
central portion of the relocation center are 
discussed by block designation below (see Figure 
9.1). The block designations for the residential 
blocks are derived from the original numbers 
assigned by the War Relocation Authority 
(WRA). Other blocks are identified by major 
buildings or function. The firebreak designations 
used in this report are taken from the names of 
the road intersection at the southeast corner of 
the firebreak. For example, "Firebreak B4" is 
northwest of the intersection of "B" Street and 
4th Street. 



differentiated from the relocation center era 
items are probably included in the block lists and 
Table 9.1. Charcoal, primarily from the burning 
of building debris after closure of the relocation 
center, was noted in virtually all areas of the site, 
scattered and in concentrations. 

Five blocks were subjected to intensive surface 
collection and tabulation (see Chapter 8). These 
results are summarized in Tables 9.2-9.6. 
Although the summarized categories are not 
completely equivalent to survey categories 
reported in the text below, the tabulations 
provide a comparison between the survey 
estimates and the more systematic counts made 
during the inventory. As would be expected, in 
most cases small quantities of artifacts were 
estimated fairly accurately; larger quantities were 
underestimated but appear to fall within similar 
orders of magnitude. Some rare categories of 
artifacts found during the intensive surface 
collection (e.g., ammunition) had been 
overlooked during survey. 



All visible archeological features were recorded. 
It is important to note, however, that only some 
of the features were given separate feature 
number designations. Numbered features tend to 
be evacuee-constructed landscaping and adjacent 
architectural elements, which formed integrated 
and individualistic patterns in fairly discrete 
spaces. In addition, all photographed remains 
were given feature numbers. Detailed block 
survey records and photographs are on file at the 
Western Archeological and Conservation Center. 

By far the most prevalent artifact types present 
(over 75 percent of all artifacts observed) are 
window and bottle glass fragments and wire 
nails. However, a tremendous variety of artifacts 
dating to the relocation center use was encoun- 
tered. Artifacts noted during survey are listed by 
block below. A summary of makers' marks from 
ceramics, glass, metal, plastic, and other items is 
provided in Table 9.1. Note, that some pre-1940s 
and more recent artifacts that could not be 



Impacts 

Almost all buildings were sold and removed 
after the relocation center closed. The integrity 
of the features remaining at the site varies with 
impacts from a variety of sources. For example, 
the auditorium had been modified for use as an 
Inyo County Maintenance Facility and the 
staff and administration areas were used as 
veterans' housing for a short period. Remain- 
ing architectural elements have been subject to 
scavenging and water pipes have been periodi- 
cally salvaged by the Los Angeles Department 
of Water and Power (LADWP) for local town 
water systems. Concrete slabs in Blocks 1 and 
7 have been broken up, with some of the 
rubble apparently removed. 

There are also broader on-going impacts, both 
natural and human caused. For example, 
natural gully erosion, alluviation, and sheet 
wash has been accelerated by LADWP's prac- 
tice of spreading water across the area to re 



205 



Table 9.1. 
Marks Noted on Artifacts at the Relocation Center Central Area (MANZ 1993 A-30). 



Glass 

...te Battery Corp ledo, Ohio ... 

Anchor Hocking Glass Corp. hallmark (1938+) 

Antelope (soda) 

Aristocraft 

Armstrong Cork Co. hallmark 

Ball (1888+) 

Balm Barr 

Barq's (soda) 

Ben-Hur Mustard 

Ben-Hur Coffee 

Best Foods 

Boyd (canning jar lid liner) 

Bubble-up (soda) 

Canadian Club 

Canada Dry Ginger Ale 

Celo Cola 

Chesebrough Mfg. Co., New York 

Clorox 

Coca Cola (Bishop, Calif, and Safford, Ariz.) 

Crown Products Corp. 

Cutter Laboratories, Berkeley, California 

Diamond Glass Co. hallmark (1924+) 

Dr. Lyon's Tooth Powder 

Duraglass (1940+) 

Fairmount Glass Co. hallmark (1945-1960) 

Federal Law Forbids ... (1933-1964) 

Glass Containers Inc. hallmark (1945+) 

Good Housekeeping Tested and Approved 

Glube Bottling Co. Property, Los Angeles, Cal. 

Hazel-Atlas Glass Co. hallmark (1920-1964) 

Hostess Shape 

Illinois 

Jergens Lotion 

Knox Bottle Co. hallmark (1924-1968+) 

Lambert Pharmaceutical Co. 

Latchford Glass Co. hallmark (1957+) 

Latchford-Marble Glass Co. hallmark (1939-1957) 

LaVita (soda), Placentia, California 

Log Cabin Syrup 

Lone Pine Dairy 

Lummis Glass Co. hallmark (1940-1955) 

Made in Japan (sake bottle) 

Maywood Glass Co. hallmark 

Mission (soda), Bishop 

Mission Dry 

Nehi (soda; 1940-1956) 

Old Quaker (whiskey bottle) 

Owens Illinois Bottle Co. hallmark (1932+) 

Peerless Distiller, Vancover, Canada 

Pompeian Olive Oil 

Purex (1915+) 

Pyrex (multi-dose vaccine bottle) 

Regal Amber Brewing Company 

Sake Brewing & Ice Company Ltd, Honolulu, Hawaii 

Scotland 

Seaboard Glass Co. hallmark (1943-1947) 

Seven-Up (1937+) 

Sparklett's 

Squirt 



Syracuse 

TCWCO CLUIT USA (multi-dose vaccine bottle) 
Thatcher Glass Manuf. Co. hallmark (1900 + ) 
Wilson Club (soda) 

Ceramics 

...n ware ...Enton ... Ltd England 

Germany 

Homer Laughlin Made in U.S.A. M 42 N6 (1942; also 

some with 1943 date) 
John Maddock & Sons England Vitr... 
Johnson Bros England (1883-1913) 
Knowles China 
M Japan 

Made in Japan (pitcher) 
McNichol China USQMC ...Mar. 10, 1944 
O.P.CO Syracuse 
Shenango China Newcastle Pa 

Sterling China Company L Vitrified East Liverpool Ohio 
TEPCO China USA 
Wallace RH China 

Other 

...let (razor blade fragment) 

1: Mark Fero... Chilled Steel Made .... A. (pen nib) 

AC-MB (spark plug) 

Alligator (electrical porcelain knob) 

Arrow H&H U.S.A. (electrical plug prong) 

Autolite (spark plug) 

Delco Moraine Pro U.S.A. 5453829 (rubber knob) 

Ford (spark plug) 

Garlock Sym 2150/7735 (tarpaper) 

Keep Cover Tightly Closed (metal pry top lid) 

Klockner Duisburg Tricon 80 Rod 2/4 Lot 651 (metal 

plaque) 
L L C 6 (military shell casing) 
Leviton (electrical porcelain switch) 
Magne Hydrox Contents 5 one... Distributed by Sears, 

Roebuck Chicago, ILL (paper label) 
Motor Service (oil can top) 
N.Y.A. 20063 Calif, (metal tag) 
Old Dutch Cleanser (can top) 
Pacific States Provo, Utah (fire hydrant and metal 

waterline access cover) 
PCP CELSIOR (brick) 
Product of Norway (rectangular meat can) 
S-M-A Always Pack Tightly in Cup (small metal cup) 
Schick (razor blade dispenser) 
Sqibb (plastic cap) 

Stanley SW Made in U.S.A. (metal latch handle) 
Studebaker (hubcap) 
The America... Thermos Reg Us O Vacuum Bottle B 34 

Norwich Conn (insulated bottle) 
Valet Auto Strop (metal razor strap end) 
Victor 800 (copper part) 
VITOO (brick) 

WATER Art Concrete Wks Pasadena (concrete cover) 
White Rock Ginger Ale, White Rock Bottling Co. ... Los 

Angeles, CA., by Authority of White Rock 

Corp. ...Reg. U.S. Pat. (steel can) 



206 




Figure 9.4. Gully erosion in western portion of Manzanar National Historic Site. 



charge the watertable. Water from these diver- 
sions enters the National Historic Site at three 
locations along the western boundary, and 
resulting flooding affects over 75 percent of the 
relocation center blocks (Figures 9.4 and 9.5). To 
combat this flooding Inyo County has built 
water control ditches and berms throughout the 
site to protect its maintenance facility and 
Highway 395. 

Other impacts include new roads, a powerline, 
and two recently drilled and capped wells that 
have caused visual and as well as ground distur- 
bance. Grazing, wood cutting, off-road driving, 
hunting and target shooting, vandalism, and 
casual artifact collecting also occur periodically. 



Roads 

The relocation center road grid was laid out 
parallel with Highway 395, at 31 1 /2 degrees 
west of north rather than aligned with true 
north. Some roads coincided with earlier roads 
from the town of Manzanar, which were also 
aligned with the highway. 

Relocation center roads were generally 20 ft 



wide. The entrance road was asphalt surfaced, 
while other roads had only a bituminous prime 
or penetration coat (11/17/45 blueprint). North- 
south roads were identified by letters (A Street, 
B Street, etc.) starting on the east, and east-west 
streets were numbered (1st Street, 2nd Street, 
etc.) starting with the relocation center entrance 
road. The one road south of 1st Street was 
named Manzanar Street. 9th Street coincided 
with "Francis Street" the main east-west artery of 
the former Manzanar townsite. 

Today much of the relocation center road grid 
remains, but those in the western third often are 
buried or overgrown with vegetation. Many 
other roads are cut by gullies and major portions 
of two roads (1st and 7th Streets) have been 
destroyed by gully erosion. (Figure 9.6). 



Administration Block 

Relocation center blueprints depict nine build- 
ings in this block: an L-shaped Administration 
Building (made of two 40 ft by 100 ft wings), a 
Town Hall (20 ft by 50 ft), a Post Office (40 ft 
by 100 ft), a Mess Hall (40 ft by 100 ft), and 
five Staff Apartment Buildings (each 20 ft by 



207 




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208 



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1940s Alignment 



Post 1945 

Road 




Graded 
Area 



Figure 9.6. Roads at Manzanar National Historic Site. 



209 



100 ft). Two of the apartment buildings (Build- 
ings A and C) have four 1-bedroom apartments 
each, two (Buildings E and F - "Bachelor 
Quarters") have six 1-bedroom apartments each, 
and one (Building D) has four 1-bedroom 
apartments and one 2-bedroom apartment. 
Although space was left between Buildings A and 
C, Building B was never built. 

The Administration Building was mapped in 
detail (Figure 9.7). Its former location is outlined 
by an L-shaped rock alignment (Feature A- 14). 
Within the rock alignment there are four 
concrete footing blocks and a concrete founda- 
tion that apparently once held a safe (Feature A- 
13). On the building exterior on the north side 
there are two circular planters and a sidewalk 
incorporating a diamond-shaped planter with a 
metal flagpole base (Feature A-l, Figure 9.8). 
These indicate this was the main entrance to the 
building. 

Remains at the Staff Mess Hall consist of seven 
concrete footing blocks, a larger center slab or 
footing, and an 8 ft by 22 ft concrete slab at the 
north end of the building (Feature A-2). This 
slab is divided by a low curb; there is a cement 
ring and a rust stain from a water heater on one 
side and foot and boot prints and inscribed 
Japanese characters on the other (see Appendix 
A). 

The only remains at the Town Hall Building and 
the Post Office are landscaping features: both 
have rock alignments at their north end and the 
Town Hall Building has a concrete sidewalk 
(Features A-9 and A-10). Remains at Apartment 
Building A include a concrete walkway and steps 
on the west side (Feature A-4), a concrete water 
heater slab on the east side, and two concrete 
footing blocks. 

Remains at Apartment Building C include a 
concrete walkway and steps, and a concrete and 
rock pedestal on the west side (Feature A-6, 
Figure 9.9). The pedestal, 30 inches high with a 
simulated wood grain top, may have once held a 



sign. Other remains include three small concrete 
slabs of unknown function that would have been 
within the interior of the building (Feature A-7), 
a concrete water heater slab on the east side of 
the building, and six concrete footing blocks. 

Apartment Building D has a large concrete and 
rock wall {IVi ft to 5 ft high) enclosing a 
concrete slab patio at the south end of the 
building (Feature A-8, Figure 9.10), concrete 
walkways and rock alignments on its west side, 
a concrete water heater slab on the east side, and 
three concrete footing blocks. Remains at 
Apartment Building E consist of a concrete water 
heater slab and two concrete footing blocks. 
There is barely a trace of Apartment Building F. 

Feature A-5 consists of a 30-ft-diameter rock and 
concrete planter 18 inches high within a traffic 
circle southwest of the Administration Building 
(Figure 9.11). It has 13 inscriptions listing 
Japanese American names, hometowns, and dates 
(see Appendix A). Feature A-3 consists of a 40 
inch by 60 inch concrete slab located west of 
Apartment Building A. It is divided into six 
panels; two are inscribed with the name Kubota 
and one has a "4/1/42" date (Figure 9.12). 
Kubota made many of the better-constructed 
rock and concrete landscape features of the 
relocation center, however the function or use of 
this slab is not clear. There is an upright pole 
nearby that may be associated with the feature. 

Other features include a concrete ditch and a 
storm drain along the southern edge of the block 
(Feature A-ll), storm drains on the east and west 
sides of a road at the northeast corner of the 
block (Feature A-12), rock alignments bordering 
roads and parking areas (Features A- 15 through 
A- 18), remnants of paved roads and parking 
areas, and three manholes. Many of the rock 
alignments have traces of white paint. 

Historical artifacts noted during the survey 
within this block include over 350 window glass 
fragments, at least 300 bottle glass fragments, five 
white stoneware ceramic fragments, over 1,600 



210 



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10 Feet 


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o Tree 


A 


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B 


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surface (in meters) 


a 


Concrete foundation block 





Figure 9.7. Administration Building (Features A-l, A-13, and A- 14). 

211 




Figure 9.8. Walkway at Administration Building 
(Feature A-l). 



wire nails, 35 sanitary seal cans, crown caps, 
a rubber hose, tarpaper, sheet metal, chicken 
wire, and about 90 lumber fragments. 



Auditorium Block (Firebreak A3) 
Relocation center blueprints indicate only 
an auditorium building in this block. The 
Inyo County Road Department, which 
used the auditorium block until 1994, 
added a small storeroom, several small 
sheds, and a fire hydrant (Figure 9.13). The 
hydrant was likely moved from the loca- 
tion shown on the 1945 WRA blueprint 
which is 250 ft east along the same pipe- 
line. 

The Auditorium (Feature Au-1) is a 12,500- 
square-foot wood frame building with 
horizontal siding on the north, west, and 
south sides and vertical siding on the west 
side (Figures 9.14-9.17; Appendix O). It 
consists of a central 82 ft by 125 ft (10,250 
square ft) structure (auditoruim) with a low- 
pitched gambrel roof. There is a 20 ft by 30 
ft two-story extension with a shed roof on 
the west side (entry and projection booth) 
and al5ftbyll0ft one-story wing with a 
shed roof along the north side (dressing and 




Figure 9.9. Walkway and steps at Apartment Building C (Feature A-6). 

212 



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MANZ I993A-30 
Feature A-8 

2 Meters 



5 Feet 

□ Concrete foundation block 
'•"■ •• Reck alignment 
1-37 Height of wall (in meters) 



Figure 9.10. Patio at Apartment Building D (Feature A-8). 




Figure 9.11. Traffic Circle in Administration Block (Feature A-5). 



213 




Figure 9.12. Concrete slab within Administration Block (Feature A-3). 



;Taff'^*3U-; •• HONffti 




Figure 9.13. 1992 aerial photograph of Relocation Center Auditorium and 
environs (north to top). 



rest rooms). A similar wing along the south side 
of the building has been removed. The building 
has been further modified for use as a vehicle 
maintenance facility by the Inyo County Road 
Department. The auditorium wood floor has 
been replaced by a concrete slab and the stage at 
the east end of the auditorium has been removed 



and replaced by a large rolling truck door. 
Photographs on file at Manzanar National 
Historic Site taken by Toyo Miyatake in the late 
1940s-early 1950s indicate that the south wing 
and wood floor of the auditorium were already 
removed prior to that time (see Figure 4.55). 



214 










Figure 9.14. Auditorium (Feature Au-1), south side. 



// 




Figure 9.15. Auditorium (Feature Au-1), north side. 



West of the auditorium is a small one-room 
wood frame building with gable roof (Feature 
Au-2). It is currently used for paint storage. 
Reportedly it is an old kitchen from the Inde- 
pendence jail. It was moved to its present 
location in 1964 (Bill Michaels, personal commu- 
nication, 1994). 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
window and other glass fragments, over 500 wire 
nails, and a screen door spring. Also noted were 
numerous other artifacts likely associated with 
the County Maintenance Facility. Most of this 
block appears to have been repeatedly bulldozed. 
A large recently-placed mound of fuel contami- 



nated dirt and boulders on the west side of the 
Auditorium was designated Feature Au-3. The 
mound, as well as Feature Au-2 and other sheds 
and equipment within this block, were subse- 
quently removed by Inyo County before 
vacating the property in 1996. 



Camouflage/Mattress Factory Block 

Relocation center blueprints depict five build- 
ings in this area: a Camouflage Factory (con- 
sisting of three separate 24 ft by 300 ft build- 
ings), a Mattress Factory (24 ft by 150 ft), and 
a Dehydration Plant (24 ft by 100 ft). The 
Mattress Factory burned down in 1943 (Ralph 



215 



a 




Figure 9.16. Auditorium (Feature Au-1), west side. 




Figure 9.17. Auditorium (Feature Au-1), east side. 



Merritt, Jr., personal communication, 1993). 

Concrete slab foundations 24 ft by 300 ft remain 
at the Camouflage Factory (Features C-l, C-2, 
and C-3). One has numerous rust stains from 
steel drums on its north end. Another has an 
attached concrete slab 2 ft by 3 ft on its west 
side. This small slab, possibly an entry, has an 
incomplete inscription (MAR. 30th 194..). 

The Mattress Factory location is indicated by 
rock and concrete alignments at its north end 
(Feature C-4). A dirt road now runs the length 
of the building site. The Dehydration Plant 
foundation consists of a 24 ft by 100 ft concrete 



slab (Feature C-5). Southwest of the Camouflage 
Factory are two small U-shaped concrete founda- 
tions, possibly tank supports (Feature C-6), and 
a concentration of over 200 plain white stone- 
ware ceramic fragments (Feature C-7). 

Other historical artifacts noted in this block 
during survey include hundreds of window glass 
fragments, hundreds of bottle glass fragments 
(300 clear, 100 green, 75 brown, 35 white, 6 
aqua), around 100 stoneware ceramic fragments, 
electrical porcelain knobs, hundreds of wire 
nails, 35 sanitary seal cans, over 150 lumber 
fragments, three large pieces of sheet metal, a 
sheet metal machine tag (embossed with "Klock- 



216 



ner Dusiburg Tricon 80 Rod"), two barrel hoops, 
a metal button, plastic comb, the swivel end of 
a double razor strap (embossed with "Valet 
Razor Strop"), fragments of automobile taillight 
covers, fragments of ceramic plumbing fixtures, 
tarpaper, roofing, lumber fragments, rubber 
pieces, a battery, wire, an 8-ft-long wood tele- 
phone pole, and salt-glazed, clay, and concrete 
pipe fragments. 



Children's Village Block 

Manzanar was the only relocation center with 
an orphanage. Most of the orphans came from 
the Maryknoll Children's Home in Los An- 
geles, others included Japanese American 
children adopted by Caucasian parents (see 
Chapter 4). The "Children's Village" at Manza- 
nar was located in Firebreak F6, the largest 
firebreak within the relocation center. Reloca- 
tion center blueprints depict three 25 ft by 150 
ft buildings in this block. Building 1 (as desig- 
nated on the blueprints) was the boys dormi- 
tory, Building 2 was the girls dormitory and 
nursery, and Building 3 housed the mess hall, 
kitchen, social hall, office, and staff living 
quarters. 

There are 19 foundation blocks at the location 
of Building 1 (Feature Ch-4), nine foundation 
blocks and a concrete stoop at the location of 
Building 2 (Feature Ch-5), and 14 foundation 
blocks at the location of Building 3 (Feature 
Ch-6). These footing blocks, measuring approx- 
imately 16 inches square, are larger than those 
at other building locations. Many footing 
blocks appear to have been recently removed. 
Gully erosion has destroyed the original road 
to the north of the Children's Village; a re- 
placement dirt road now crosses the building 
locations. 

Over 50 pear trees are in the northeast quarter 
of the block, the best pre-relocation center 
orchard remaining today (Features Ch-1 and 
Ch-2, Figure 9.18). During the use of the 
relocation center these trees were maintained 



by the evacuees. In the central area of the block 
there is a large dirt tank (Feature Ch-3) and a 
large shallow depression, possibly a pond 
(Feature Ch-7). 

The area west of the shallow depression is likely 
the location of a known pre-relocation center 
farm (Lyndstrum Farm, see Chapter 11). Other 
than large cottonwood and elm trees at this 
location, no features associated with that farm 
were found, but some of the artifacts noted in 
this block may be associated with it. 

Two piles of prehistoric artifacts were found in 
this block. A woodcutter from Lone Pine, Mr. 
Armstrong, was observed dumping prehistoric 
artifacts that he claimed his children had col- 
lected over the years. He was in the process of 
cleaning up his yard and decided to dump the 
artifacts at Manzanar since he was coming to 
Manzanar to collect firewood. To keep the 
artifacts from eroding over the area, WACC staff 
scraped up and dumped both piles into a 
concrete weir box just south of the Manzanar 
Relocation Center cemetery. Materials moved 
included 25 buckets-full of mostly debitage and 
cores, with some biface fragments, ground stone 
fragments, hammerstones, and sherds. Mr. 
Armstrong used to own the Little Lake Hotel 
and it is possible that much of the material came 
from that area. 

Historical artifacts noted in this block during 
survey include 55 bottle glass fragments (30 
brown, 10 green, 15 clear), 20 wire nails, three 
cans, a door hinge, a metal strap, a perforated 
metal strap, wire, concrete pipe fragments, 10 
lumber fragments, and a brick. 



Doctors and Nurses Quarters Block 

Relocation center blueprints indicate a 20 ft by 
110 ft building south of the hospital in the 
west half of Firebreak H6 was used as doctors 
and nurses quarters. Three features were found 
associated with this building. Feature D-l is an 
18 ft by 4 ft sidewalk and a stoop on its east 



217 




Figure 9.18. 1992 aerial photograph of Children's Village Block (north to right). 



side, Feature D-2 is a 7-ft-square concrete slab 
entry on its west side, and Feature D-3 is a 5 ft 
by 8 ft concrete slab entry on its south side. 

To the southwest of the building location there 
are dead apple trees and stumps (Feature D-4). 
The south half of the block contains a few live 
apple trees, numerous stumps and dead trees, and 
traces of irrigation ditches (Feature D-5). These 



are apparently remnant pre-relocation center 
orchards maintained by the evacuees. 

Artifacts noted in this block include clear glass 
jug fragments, a plastic bottle cap, 10 sanitary 
seal cans, a crown cap, two lengths of water 
pipe, barbed wire, and clay sewer pipe fragments. 



218 



Garage Block 

Relocation center blueprints depict from 13 to 
16 buildings in this block. Identified buildings 
include a refrigerated warehouse (a U-shaped 
building consisting of two 20 ft by 100 ft 
buildings connected by a 20 ft by 40 ft butcher 
shop addition), an automotive repair shop (40 
ft by 100 ft), a garage for automotive lubrica- 
tion, painting, and washing (30 ft by 48 ft), and 
eight warehouses (each 20 ft by 100 ft). Other 
buildings include two small unnamed structures 
shown on one blueprint (dated 4/20/45) and 
five small unnamed structures shown on an- 
other (dated 3/14/45). 

Remains of the refrigerated warehouse consist 
of two parallel 20 ft by 100 ft foundations 
(Features G-l and G-2). Both are perimeter 
foundations into which a concrete slab was 
later poured. The refrigeration equipment was 
apparently at the north end of each slab, where 
there is a waste pipe, two other pipes, a floor 
drain, and a remnant dividing wall. One of the 
slabs has numerous rust stains from steel 
drums. 

The automotive repair shop remains (Feature 
G-3) consist of a 40 ft by 100 ft concrete slab 
with a dirt and asphalt ramp at the north end. 
The automotive service garage (Feature G-4) 
consists of a 30 ft by 48 ft concrete slab di- 
vided by low concrete walls into three equal- 
sized rooms that open to the east. One of the 
rooms has two large floor drains, one has the 
remains of a truck lift, and one has no floor 
features. Attached to the rear of the building is 
a small slab, possibly for a bathroom (Figures 
9.19 and 9.20). In the south-central portion of 
the block there is a 6 ft by 10 ft concrete slab 
with the center portion broken out (Feature G- 
5). Its central location suggests it may have 
been a latrine. 

Other features include three concentrations of 
rocks and boulders, two manholes, and con- 
crete footing blocks at the locations of Ware- 
houses 1 (n=l), 2 (n = 3), 5 (n = 3), 6 (n = 2), 7 



(n = 6), and 8 (n = 24). 

Historical artifacts noted in this block include 
over 600 window glass fragments, over 430 bottle 
glass fragments (mostly from soda bottles), a 
mirror fragment, eight ceramic fragments, four 
electrical porcelain knobs, over 735 wire nails, 25 
cans, crown caps, jar lids, wire, pipe, washers, a 
glass marble fragment, 30 lumber fragments, six 
bricks, and salt-glazed sewer pipe fragments. 



Hospital Block 

The hospital was located in the northwest 
corner of the relocation center. Relocation 
center blueprints depict 16 buildings connected 
by covered wooden walkways in this block 
(Figure 9.21). 

Buildings in the main area of the hospital in- 
cluded an administration building (25 ft by 147 
ft), a doctors quarters (20 ft by 100 ft), a nurses 
quarters (20 ft by 100 ft), seven wards (each 25 
ft by 150 ft), a mess hall (40 ft by 60 ft), and 
two storerooms (each 20 ft by 100 ft). 

Behind the hospital to the west were a laundry 
(20 ft by 100 ft), a heating plant (38 ft by 50 
ft), and a morgue and sterilizing room (28 ft by 
38 ft). On the north side of the morgue an 
additional structure, a garbage can washing 
rack, is noted on a blueprint dated November 
13, 1945 (WRA file, UCLA Special Collect- 
ions). 

Hospital Area 

Concrete footing blocks remain at the 
administration building (n = 27), doctors quar- 
ters (n = 6), nurses quarters (n=10), mess hall 
(n=18), Wards 1 (n = 3), 2 (n = 6), 3 (n=15), 4 
(n = 28), 5 (n = 40), 6 (n = 2), and 7 (n=ll), and 
Storerooms 1 (n = 6) and 2 (n = 7). Other formal 
features include three intact manholes, a de- 
stroyed manhole, and a pulled manhole with 
an intact brick and concrete lining (Feature 
H-6, Figure 9.22). 



219 




Figure 9.19. Garage foundation (Feature G-4). 



Concrete wall reinforced with rock and 
rebar - broken off at floor level 



•J- 



A 



B/ 



□ 



□ 



Floor Drain Floor Drain 




MANZ I993A-30 
Feature 6-4 

O 3 Meters 



-i 1 1 

10 Feet 



A Red paint stain 

B Pipe in floor drain 

C Trough with metal 
top and sides 

D Boot print in concrete 

<FP) Rough area with rebar 

Rebar 

///, Dirt fill -^1 

N 

Concrete slabs 



Figure 9.20. Garage (Feature G-4). 

220 




Figure 9.21. 1944 aerial photograph of Hospital Block (north to top; courtesy 
of LADWP Bishop Office). 



The most significant remains in this block are 
those built by the evacuees. These include a 
massive rock and concrete retaining wall located 
between the administration building and the 
wards, and a garden complex in the southeast 
portion of the block. 

The 3-ft-high rock and concrete retaining wall 



(Feature H-l) is partially buried and has been cut 
in two areas by gullies. The wall incorporates a 
concrete bench with a simulated wood finish 
located in front of and between Wards 4 and 5 
(Feature H-2, Figure 9.23) and curving rock and 
concrete steps to each of the wards (Features 
H-4, H-7, H-12, H-13, and H-14, Figure 9.24). 
The steps to two of the wards (Wards 6 and 7) 



221 







Figure 9.22. Pulled manhole in Hospital Block (Feature H-6). 




Figure 9.23. Bench in Hospital Block (Feature H-2). 



have been destroyed. 



The elaborate garden complex (Feature H-5), 
located on the east side of the Doctors Quarters, 
includes a large concrete-lined pond, a stream, 
and dispersed boulders. Uncovered during 
mapping of this feature were two winding 
concrete walkways, boulder stepping stones, 
wood-reinforced pathway steps, rock borders, 
and other landscape features (Figures 9.25-9.27). 

Other evacuee-constructed landscape features in 



this block include a rock alignment along the 
road east of the hospital (Feature H-15), four 
rock circles around dead trees between Wards 4 
and 5 (Feature H-16), and a rock circle and a few 
rock clusters in the administration building area. 

Auxiliary Buildings 

The concrete slab foundations of the hosptial 
laundry room, hospital heating plant, morgue, 
and garbage can washing rack were cleared of 
sand and debris and mapped in detail (Figure 
9.28). In addition to these, a concrete side- 



222 




Figure 9.24. Steps in Hospital Block (Feature H-12). 




Figure 9.25. Hospital Block Pond (Feature H-5) after 
removal of debris. 



walk was also uncovered. There is a large 
area of mostly buried asphalt in the north- 
west portion of the block, north of the 
heating plant and wash rack. The function of 
this asphalt is unknown, it may have been a 
paved parking area or paved to control dust. 

The hospital laundry foundation consists of 
a 20 ft by 100 ft concrete slab (Feature H-ll; 
Figures 9.29 and 9.30). It appears to have 
been one large room. It has remnants of two 
of the original three entries, drain troughs 
(Figure 9.31), a fat trap, equipment mounts 
and stains, and protruding bolts. A drainage 
groove carved into the slab and a brick 
holding tank appear to be later additions due 
to a leaking water heater. The laundry slab 
is enclosed on three sides by a massive VA-h- 
high rock and concrete retaining wall 
(Feature H-8, Figure 9.32); there is a cobble- 
stone entryway with steps centered on the 
east side and a concrete entry ramp on the 
south end. 

Remains at the hospital heating plant (Fea- 
ture H-10) consist of a 36 ft by 38 ft concrete 
slab that incorporates two rooms divided by 
low concrete walls, and an attached 4 ft by 



223 



fc; . * 



Ff»I 






Figure 9.26. Hospital Block Pond (Feature H-5) after removal of debris. 



8V$ ft bathroom (Figures 9.33 and 9.34). There is 
a concrete entry ramp on the north side. The 
large central room has the remains of three 
brick-lined boiler fireboxes, concrete equipment 
mounts, protruding bolts, and floor drains 
(Figure 9.35). The smaller room has equipment 
mounts, protruding bolts, and a floor drain 
(Figure 9.36). Though heavily damaged, the 
bathroom still has a toilet waste pipe and other 
floor features (Figure 9.37). 

In order to map the morgue foundation (Feature 
H-20) up to 30 cm of sediments (approximately 
25 cubic meters in all) had to be removed. The 
28 ft by 38 ft concrete foundation is divided into 
four rooms by low concrete walls. Three of the 
rooms have at least one floor drain, two rooms 
have embedded equipment mounts, and two had 
toilets (Figures 9.38 and 9.39). The toilets are 
indicated by obvious toilet waste pipes and bolts, 
and adjacent to one of these can be seen traces of 
a wood frame partition wall. On the floor of the 
largest room five hardened bags of cement mix 
were uncovered. 

A 90-ft-long sidewalk (Feature H-21), attached to 
the south and east sides of the morgue, leads 



toward the hospital laundry room. It measures 
from 4 ft to IVi ft wide and has six inscriptions, 
including one in Japanese (see Appendix A). The 
sidewalk was mostly buried by sand prior to 
mapping. 

The garbage can washing rack foundation 
(Feature H-9) consists of a 20 ft by 35 ft concrete 
slab foundation with two concrete rings to 
support garbage cans, a drainage trough, and a 
large grease trap (Figures 9.40-9.42). 

Artifacts 

Three artifact concentrations (Features H-17 
through H-19) were identified in the northwest 
corner of the hospital block. Feature H-17 
contains hundreds of pieces of bottle glass (100 + 
clear, 100 brown, green, blue, and white; in- 
cludes food jars, soda bottles, a milk bottle lip), 
cut glass, pipette fragments, a large square can, an 
electrical porcelain knob, green glazed white- 
ware, yellowware (one with an East Liverpool, 
Ohio mark). Feature H-18 contains clear, brown, 
and glass (includes "Seven-Up," "Nehi," "Coke," 
and other soda bottles, a "Jergens" lotion base, 
glass bowl fragments, and vials), undeco rated fine 
stoneware, two blue-glazed whitewares, five 



224 







Hospital Block, Feature 5 



"^ 



• Rock 

O Displaced rock 

O Rock in bottom of water channel 

L I Concrete slab 

" iiiiiii Concrete edging 

Concrete edging with wood posts 

or wood post impressions 
O Depression in bottom of 

water channel 
i — Drop in water channel 



3 Meters 
10 Feet 



T Tree 

© Tree stump 
x 64 Elevation in meters above 

pond bottom 
■s-v-^- Wood step 
© Stepping stone 
A Concrete and rock basin - start of 

water flow (disturbed, elevation 

is approx 1.44 m ) 
B Over f low pipe - 

elevation at top of pipe is 67cm 



Figure 9.27. Hospital Block Pond (Feature H-5). 



transfer print whitewares, and a yellowware 
brown-glazed mixing bowl rim. Feature H-19 
contains clear, brown, and blue bottle glass, a 
clear liquor bottle top, whiteware ceramic 
fragments, a stoneware mug fragment, a beer can 
with church key opening, a sanitary seal can, a 
few nails, and shingles. 



Other historical artifacts and ecofacts noted in 
this block during survey include 70 window glass 
fragments, hundreds of bottle glass fragments 
(mostly clear and brown with some green, white, 
blue, and purple), glass vials, pipette fragments, 
60 ceramic fragments (whiteware, stoneware, 
transfer print), an electrical porcelain knob, 250 



225 



Buried 
A s ph o 1 1 



Buried 

Asphalt 



Buried 

Asphalt 



MANZ 1993 A-30 
Hospital Block Auxiliary Area 



12 Fail 

Y//A Concrete slab 

| Concrete foundation wall / 

Rock 

1-2 Inscription 

* 72 Elevation in meters 

below Fea. H-9 slab Asphalt 

T Tree 

S Tree stump or dead tree 




Figure 9.28. Hospital Block auxiliary area (Features H-8 to H-ll, H-20, and H-21). 

226 




Figure 9.29. Overhead bi- 
pod view of Hospital Block 
Laundry (Feature H-ll). 



227 



HS 



x-42 



• (| ) 



Brick / 

Holdingy^ 

Tank 



*f--22 
1.5" 



B 



- 27 

- 05- 



D 



2 5 



Concrete Slab 

- Nu1 

Nuts — '• 
xOO 



«'.y'% 



Stairs 

*-62 



a. 

e 



MANZ 1993 A -30 

Hospital Block Auxiliary Area 

Feature H-ll 

Laundry 



3 Meters 



1\ 



10 Feet 



Concrete slabs 
x -42 Elevation below concrete (in meters) 

Bolt, unless otherwise noted 
2.5° Pipe with diameter in inches 
A Metal-lined trough 
b Drain chiseled into concrete 
c Barrel impression 
D Hole for door stop 
[] Stain 

O Sediment deposit 
B Sump with drain 
• Rock 



Feature H-8 
Retai ning Wa II 




Figure 9.30. Hospital Block Laundry (Feature H-ll). 

228 




Figure 9.31. Detail of Hospital Block Laundry foundation (Feature H-ll) after 
removal of debris. 




Figure 9.32. Steps and retaining wall at Hospital Block Laundry (Feature H-8). 



229 



2 5- 



250 



4 5.0] 
2 5° 



Door 



Ramp o 



-Hole for door stop 



Concrete Slab 



2 holes 




nole ., 

"screw 

Sewer cleon-out — 



2 screws 



"\ 



I 5S I 



I I I I 



I I I I 
n.l, , ,1, ,lr- 






°3 ' — Concrete 
support 



□ 



*— Concrete 
support 



M 



/>3 



MANZ 1993 A -30 

Hospital Block Auxiliary Area 
Feature H-IO 
Heating Room 

2 Meters 



^. 



i : i , i 

2.5° 
E/l* 



■///. 



6 Feet 

Bolt, unless otherwise noted 

Bricks 

Pipe with diameter in inches 

Electrical conduit with diameter in inches 

Sump with drain 

Stain on concrete slab 
Fill 



Figure 9.33. Hospital Block Heating Room (Feature H-10). 



230 




Figure 9.34. Overhead bi-pod view of Hospital Heating Room (Feature H-10). 



231 




Figure 9.35. Detail of Hospital Heating Room (Feature H-10) after removal 
of debris. 




Figure 9.36. Detail of Hospital Heating Room (Feature H-10) showing boiler 
foundation after removal of debris. 



232 




Figure 9.37. Detail of Hospital Heating Room (Feature H-10) 
showing bathroom after removal of debris. 



wire nails, 35 sanitary seal cans, 14 hole-in-top 
cans, jar and bottle lids, canning jar lids, a 
measuring cup for mixing baby formula 
(embossed with "S-M-A always pack tightly in 
cup"), pipe fittings, a pickaxe blade, stovepipe, a 
trunk latch, 1/8-inch-thick phonograph record 
fragments, a group of mica washers bound with 
a thin copper wire, cable, rebar, tarpaper, 
roofing, 30 bricks, over 100 lumber fragments, 
and a few bone fragments. 

Fifteen glass marbles and a few nails and can 
fragments were found while clearing debris from 
the hospital pond for mapping. Also encountered 
during cleaning of the slabs west of the hospital 
were many structural artifacts, such as nails, 
bolts, hinges, lumber bits, and roofing fragments, 
a concrete access hole cover (Figure 9.43), a few 
small machine parts, and a military button (from 
the laundry room). 

Two foundations in the Hospital Block that 
predate the relocation center were recorded as 
separate sites (Christopher and Wilder Houses; 
see Chapter 11). While no discrete artifact scatter 
or concentration associated with these 



foundations was identified, some of the artifacts 
noted in this block (such as purple glass and 
some of the whiteware ceramics) are likely 
related to these sites. 



Judo House Block 

The Judo House, located in Firebreak E3, was 
a 45 ft by 70 ft roofed structure with a raised 
wood floor and screened sides. An enclosed 
room for equipment storage was on the south 
side of the Judo House. Both were built by the 
Japanese American evacuees. Its location took 
advantage of several large cottonwoods and 
other trees and a foundation from a pre- 
relocation center building (Ed Shepherd House, 
see Chapter 11). Also in this block, according 
to relocation center blueprints, were three 
basketball courts, two softball fields, and 
playground equipment. 

No evidence of the playing fields was 
encountered. Decorative rock alignments 
enclose both the Judo House and the storage 
room and there is a circle of rocks to the 
northeast (Figure 9.44). At the Judo House 



233 



MANZ 1993 A -30 

Hospital Block Auxiliary Area 

Feature H-20 

Morgue 

2 Meters 



^. 



6 Feet 

[©] Floor drain 

Bolt, unless otherwise noted 
i.5° Pipe with diameter 

in inches 
1-3 Inscription 



1-3 



^D 



Door 



Door 



O— 4 



■ Wa 1 1 removed 



Nuts 



V 



Wall removed 



2.5^ 



Stain-^ 



Concrete Slab 



04 



1.5' 



'1-4 



1-5 



Feature H-21 

Concrete 
Sidewalk 



Nuts 




Concrete 
Bags 



Raised 

Concrete @ 

Entry 1-6 



Sewer clean-out 



Figure 9.38. Morgue (Feature H-20). 



234 




Figure 9.39. Overhead bi-pod view of Morgue (Feature H-20). 




MANZ 1993 A-30 

Hospital Block Auxiliary Area 

Feature H-9 

Garbage Can Wash Rack 



6 Feet 

• Bolt 

o' Pipe with diameter 

in inches 
"-.16 Elevat ion, below main 
concrete slab (in meters) 



^. 



Figure 9.40. Garbage Can Wash Rack (Feature H-9). 

235 




Figure 9.41. Overhead bi-pod view of Garbage Can Wash Rack (Feature H-9). 




Figure 9.42. Detail of Garbage Can Wash Rack (Feature H-9) after removal of 
debris. 



236 



Ff-***"* 




2 inches 
i . ■ ■ ■ i 



Figure 9.43. Concrete water access hole cover found 
during Feature H-9 cleaning. 



itself there are remnants of a concrete edge 
around its outside perimeter and a 2 ft by 45 ft 
concrete slab at its north end (Feature J-2). To 
the south are three contiguous concrete slabs 
from a pre-relocation center building that were 
reused in place as the foundation for the attached 
storage room. Concrete stoops were added to the 
east and north sides of the slabs (Feature J-l) and 
two elaborate rock-lined cobble and concrete 
walkways lead to the storage room (Feature J-3, 
Figure 9.45). 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
approximately 100 bottle glass fragments 
(includes five purple), fragments of a purple 
drinking glass, a blue transfer print ceramic, 
about 100 wire nails, a few sanitary seal cans and 
metal parts, brick fragments, an electrical 
porcelain knob, roofing, crown caps, a shoe heel 
tap, a 1929-S penny, and stove pipe. This block 
partially overlaps and incorporates the 
Campbell/Ed Shepherd House (site MANZ 1993 
A-28), which predates the relocation center, and 
some of the artifacts noted may be associated 
with that site. 



Root Storage Block 

Relocation center blueprints depict from one to 
four buildings in this block, located on the 
southern edge of the relocation center. A Root 
Storage Building (26 ft by 100 ft) is shown on 
each of the various blueprints, however on one 
it is labeled "Ice Storage" (8/1/43). It is not 
clear if there was a completed building at the 
noted Garment Factory location. It is labeled 
and shown as a 48 ft by 300 ft building on an 
8/1/43 blueprint, however no building is 
shown on a 4/20/45 blueprint and what may 
be only a perimeter foundation is shown on a 
3/14/45 blueprint. A rectangular outline, but 
no building, can be seen on a 1944 aerial 
photograph. The Bakery and another small 
unnamed structure shown on the 8/1/43 
blueprint were apparently never built. 

Remains at the Root Storage Building consist 
of a dirt mound at its south end and a small 
depression and sinkholes, possibly indicating an 
infilled basement (Feature R-l). The dirt 
mound may be from an entry ramp or from 
fill used to level the building foundation. The 
Garment Factory also has a dirt mound at its 



237 



@ 



L. 




p??5 



■////////////////////////A 



Location of 

Raised Wood Floor 

Structure 



Fea I A 



\* 



.%.. 




Judo Dojo 

3 Meiers 

10 Feet 

Concrete slab 

Concrete edging 

Raised concrete block 

(8" above concrete slobs) 

Rock 

Tree 

Tree stump 

Lumber 

Depression 



N 



Figure 9.44. Judo House (Feature J-l, J-2, and J-3). 



south end, and remnants of a concrete border, 
possibly from a perimeter foundation, at its 
northeast corner and along its east side (Feature 



R-2). Two concrete weir boxes at the west end of 
the block were recorded as part of site MANZ 
1993 A-29. 



238 







Figure 9.45. Walkway at Judo House after removal 
of debris (Feature J-3). 



The Service Station foundation (Feature Se-2) 
consists of a 10 ft by 16 ft concrete slab with an 
asphalt ramp on the east side. Initials and a date 
were found inscribed in one corner of the 
concrete foundation (see Appendix A). Nearby is 
a 3 ft by 10 ft concrete slab with a 1-ft-deep 
circular pit in the center, extruding pipes and 
wires, and a 7-ft-tall steel post, that likely 
supported a gas pump (Feature Se-1, Figure 9.47). 
Between the gas pump and the road there is a 
shallow depression, possibly left from the 
removal of an underground gas storage tank 
(Feature Se-6). To the south of the gas pump is 
an imbedded upright concrete pipe, possibly a 
pipeline access hole (Feature Se-5) 



Historical artifacts noted in this block during 
survey include approximately 250 window glass 
fragments, 300 bottle glass fragments (200 clear, 
35 brown, 40 green, 5 purple, 2 blue), seven 
ceramic fragments (white and yellow ware), 200 
wire nails, 15 sanitary seal cans, four condensed 
milk cans, jar and can lids, wire, an oil filter, 10 
bolts and screws, 15 nuts and washers, other 
hardware, rubber fragments, a glass marble, a 
metal button, a lOV^-inch-long antenna and 
mounting bracket, 15 fragments of ceramic 
plumbing fixtures, five lumber fragments, 15 
fragments of salt-glazed sewer pipe, and over 50 
bricks. 



Service Station/Motor Pool Area 

Relocation center blueprints depict three to 
four structures in this area: the Service Station 
(10 ft by 16 ft), the Motor Pool Office (20 ft 
by 50 ft), and a small unnamed structure. 
Another small structure (apparently a gas 
pump) is shown on the 3/14/45 blueprint. 

Features in the northern portion of this area 
were mapped in detail (Figure 9.46). The only 
feature outside of the mapped area was an 
asphalt driveway at a former structure location 
in the far southeast corner of the block. 



The Motor Pool Office location (Feature Se-3) is 
indicated by concrete stoops on the north and 
west sides of an apparent 20 ft by 50 ft building 
pad and a surrounding rock alignment. An 
inscription and a hand and a foot print are on 
the west entry slab (see Appendix A). A road 
apparently ran between the Motor Pool Office 
and the Service Station. Recorded there was a 
pipe flush to the ground centered between two 
tall poles (Feature , Se-4) . These are likely the 
remains of an entrance gate to the motor pool 
parking area. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey in this 
block include hundreds of window glass 
fragments, hundreds of bottle glass fragments 
(200 clear, 100 brown, 50 green, 5 "Coke," 1 
purple), light bulb glass, automobile windshield 
and taillight glass, a brown-glazed ceramic, a 
whiteware ceramic, 10 sanitary seal cans, a 
pocket tobacco can, a paint can, several beer cans 
with church key openings, light bulb bases, a 
crown cap, jar and can lids, a fuse, nuts, bolts, 
washers, screws, rubber fragments, tarpaper, and 
lumber fragments. 



Staff Housing Blocks 

Relocation center blueprints depict 17 buildings 
in these areas. This includes 14 staff apartment 
buildings (each 20 ft by 94 ft), three 



239 



• • ••«*••*• *• '••• 



r 



» « 



r 



I Wood Fr 



Fea. Se-3 



ome Building 



J 



Baby footprint-*^ •-' 

Inscription ' \ i 

Hand print ^ \ 

• " % 

° 2.5/7.2 ft 

Fea. Se-4 Hr- 25 



2 wood posts 



-«-** 



i» 



°2.5/72ft 



Inscription 




MANZ 1993 A -30 

Service Station / Motor Pool Area 



5 Meters 



15 Feet 



^ 



N. 



Concrete feature 
• Rock 
( ~ ) Asphalt 
--',',", >" Depression 

Bolt, unless otherwise noted 

2.5/75H Pipe with diameter in inches/ height 
in feet 

E Electrical conduit 



Fea. Se-6 



Edge of 

asphalt undefined 



2 75 /75ft 



275 /75ft 




Fea. Se-I 



Fea. Se-5 P 

Concrete pipe 



Figure 9.46. Service Station and Motor Pool area (Features Se-1 through Se-6). 

240 




Figure 9.47. Foundation of Service Station gasoline pump (Feature Se-1). 



dormitories (each 24 ft by 140 ft), and a laundry 
(16 ft by 20 ft). The apartment buildings were 
designated G through W. Building G had three 
apartments: the director's residence, a 1-bedroom 
apartment, and a 2-bedroom apartment. Buildings 
K-W each had four apartments; the two end 
apartments had two bedrooms each and the two 
center apartments had one bedroom each. The 
two dormitories (Buildings H-J) had ten double 
rooms, three single rooms, a lounge, a kitchen, a 
bathroom, a storage room, and a heater room. 

This block has been impacted by several 
informal roads and a powerline (Figure 9.48). 
The most prominent feature remaining is a patio 
at Building G. It consists of a 3-ft to 6-ft-high 
granite boulder and concrete wall surrounding a 
concrete slab on the east side of the Director's 
Residence (Feature S-l, Figure 9.49 and 9.50). 
The wall, similar in workmanship to one in the 
Administration Block, was built by Japanese 
Americans hired by the Project Director 
(Pete Merritt, Jr., personal communication, 
1993). Also at the building site are three concrete 
sidewalks (entries) on the west side, a small water 
heater slab on the east side (Figure 9.51), and 11 
concrete footing blocks (Figures 9.52 and 9.53). 



There is a rock outlined asphalt parking area to 
the north (Feature S-19). 

Small concrete slabs for water heaters are also 
adjacent to each of the remaining 13 apartment 
buildings (Figure 9.54) and concrete footing 
blocks remain at Buildings G (n=ll), O (n=l), 
P (n= 1), R (n = 26), and W (n = 5). There are rock 
alignments and concrete steps at Buildings N and 
Q (Feature S-2), a rock alignment at Building J, 
and four sets of concrete steps and a cobblestone 
entry way at Building K (Feature S-3). A concrete 
and rock ditch and a rock alignment (Feature S- 
11) encircles Buildings R through W. The 
laundry room consists of a 16 ft by 20 ft 
concrete slab with a l^-ft-square central floor 
drain (Feature S-6, Figure 9.55). 

There is a rock-lined ditch along the road south 
of Buildings V and W (Feature S-9) and a storm 
drain southeast of Building V (Feature S-10). A 
mostly buried concrete ditch (Feature S-8) of 
uncertain vintage, crosses the southern portion of 
the block. It would have been under Buildings 
M, O, and P. 

Other features recorded include a concrete slab 



241 




Figure 9.48. 1993 oblique aerial view of Staff Housing area (north to upper 
right). 




Figure 9.49. Director's Residence in 1944 (WRA 
photograph, courtesy of Eastern California 
Museum) . 





Figure 9.50. Director's Residence (Feature S-l) in Figure 9.51. Overhead view of water heater slab at 

1993. Director's Residence (Feature S-l). 



242 



Director's Residence 

6 Mtlars 





t= , , 

20 F««t 


□ 


Rock and concrete path 


1 


| Concrete slab 


a 


Concrete foundation block 


• 


Rock 


A 


Upright electrical conduit 


B 


Concrete step 


C 


Dram pipe 





Chiseled grooves in 




concrete floor 




Aspho 1 t 




Raised asphalt 


T 


Tree 


'40 


Height of wall above concrete 




slob (m meters) 



Rock and concret e wall r< '- 



[ ' .. . .\ 



fa a a\ 




\ . ... 



Figure 9.52. Director's Residence (Feature S-l). 



and brick-lined hole (possibly a pit barbecue) at 
Building K (Feature S-4), a pole and wire 
clothesline north of the Building J Dormitory 
(Feature S-5), rock alignments (some with traces 
of white paint) along roads and around buildings 
(Features S-7 and S-l 2 through S-l 8), remnants of 
asphalt roads and gravel walkways, and three 



intact manholes. 

Artifacts 

Non-structural artifacts in this block were 
counted, and representative samples collected (see 
Chapter 8). Structural artifacts, such as window 
glass, lumber, and pipe fragments, were noted 



243 




Figure 9.53. Patio at Director's Residence (Feature S-l). 




Figure 9.54. Water heater and slab at Building Q, Staff 
Housing Block (Feature S-2 vicinity). 



and numbers estimated during survey. The 
results of both tabulations are summarized in 
Table 9.2. Some of the artifacts appear to date 
to the short period after the relocation center 
closed when it was used to house returning 
World War II veterans. 

Structural artifacts noted include hundreds of 
window glass fragments, five electrical 
porcelain knobs, 475 wire nails, rebar, 
fencing, stove pipe, a 2-inch-diameter metal 
pipe, washers, a water heater (see Figure 9.54), 
200 lumber fragments (some with bluish gray 
paint), salt-glazed sewer pipe fragments, 
tarpaper, roofing, and a red brick. 

Domestic artifacts recorded were associated 
with beverage storage, food storage, food 
serving, food remains, furnishings, and 
pharmaceutical categories. All curved glass 
fragments were placed in the domestic artifact 
group. Color, shape, and other attributes 
were used to assign bottle types Qones and 
Sullivan 1985). Glass bottle fragments uniden- 



244 



Table 9.2. 
Tabulation of Historical Artifacts in the Staff 
Housing Blocks. 



Object Classification 


o 


-a 

*-> 

3 


U 
.3 

6 


H 

CO 


Structural Materials 




l 


755 


Window Glass 


1,000 






Hardware 








Nails 




475 




Utilities 




2 


5 


o 

I/) 

u 

e 

o 
Q 


Beverage Storage 


824 


78 




Food Storage 


2,053 


48 




Food Preparation 








Food Remains 






17 


Food Serving 


1 


4 


3 


Furnishings 




4 


5 


Pharmaceutical 


153 






'a 

a 
o 

(/> 
u 

u 

0H 


Clothing 








Jewelry 








Groommg and Hygiene 








Money 








u 

'> 
u 
< 


Ammunition 




6 




Leisure 








Automobile 


10 


1 


2 


Miscellaneous Tools 




1 


1 


Toys 






2 


Writing 








Unclassified 




18 


14 



color (cf. Rhodes 1988:204; Teague and Shenk 
1977: 114): brown and green glass are included 
under beverage storage; clear, aqua, and purple 



glass under food storage; and white and blue 
glass under pharmaceutical. 

Items associated with beverage storage include 10 
church-key-opened cans, two cone-top beer cans, 
66 crown caps, and over 800 glass fragments. The 
fragments include 613 pieces of brown glass 
(from at least 15 different bottles), 199 of green 
(from at least 17 bottles), 10 of "Coke" bottles, 
and two clear. Identifying marks include "Bubble 
Up," "Squirt," and "Canadian Club" on green 
fragments, the Glass Containers Inc. hallmark 
(1945+) and "l-WAY" on a brown base, and 
"Mission Dr...." and "Lone Pine Dairy" on clear 
fragments. 

Artifacts associated with food storage include 20 
sanitary seal cans, two condensed milk cans, 18 
can lids, six jar lids, a metal canning jar lid, a 
"Thermos" bottle, 2,053 clear glass fragments 
(from at least 25 different containers), and 10 
purple glass fragments. Identifying marks on the 
clear fragments include "Duraglass" and the 
hallmarks of the Hazel-Atlas Glass Company 
(1920-1964), the Knox Bottle Company (1924- 
1968 +), the Lummis Glass Company (1940-1955), 
the Latchford-Marble Glass Company (1939- 
1957), the Latchford Glass Company (1957+), 
and the Seaboard Glass Company (1943-1947). 
Recognizable date codes include two bottle bases 
with "43" and one each with "44," "48," and 
"56." 

Food remains consist of 17 pig bones (see 
Appendix H). No artifacts associated with food 
preparation were recorded. 

Items associated with food serving include a 
green dish fragment and four ceramics. The 
ceramics, all non-vitreous earthenware, include a 
white cup fragment with a red floral transfer 
print, a white plate fragment with a yellow and 
orange floral transfer print, a buff bowl with 
blue and white bands, and a salmon-colored 
fragment (see Appendix D). 



245 



Furnishings recorded include five terra cotta 
flower pot fragments, a clothes hanger, and three 
light bulb bases. Potential pharmaceutical items 
include one blue glass fragment and 152 white 
bottle glass fragments (from at least three 
different containers). No personal artifacts, such 
as clothing, jewelry, grooming items, or money, 
were noted. 

Several specialized activities, including those 
associated with firearms, automobile use, 
children's play, and miscellaneous tasks, are 
represented by the artifacts found in this block. 
Ammunition includes six military cartridges with 
a "L L C 6" headstamp. Artifacts associated with 
automobiles include an oil can, a rubber battery 
electrode cover, a tire, and windshield, headlight, 
and taillight fragments. Toys include a plastic 
animal foot and a rubber ball. Miscellaneous 
tools recorded include a dry cell battery and a 
paper clip. 

Unclassified artifacts include unidentified artifacts 
as well as artifacts with potentially multiple 
functions (such as wire) which hindered placing 
them in a particular category, and artifacts too 
fragmentary or altered to further classify. 
Unclassified items recorded include a rubber 
hose, 13 plastic fragments, 14 metal fragments, 
three pieces of smooth wire, and a barrel hoop. 



Warehouse Blocks 

The 4/20/45 relocation center blueprint depicts 
twenty -nine 20 ft by 100 ft warehouses (two 
are interconnected) and two latrines in these 
two blocks. On the 3/14/45 blueprint another 
three warehouses not on the later blueprint are 
shown cross-hatched, possibly indicating they 
were removed, burned down, or never built. 
Two warehouses (Nos. 31 and 37) are listed as 
having concrete floors. 

The reported concrete slab floor at Warehouse 
31 was not found; it may be buried. The 
foundation of Warehouse 37 consists of a 20 ft 
by 100 ft concrete floor of five contiguous 20 



ft by 20 ft slabs (Feature W-l). The slabs 
incorporate seven footing blocks along its 
perimeter indicating it was a later addition. 
There is a mostly buried concrete driveway on 
the south end. 

The latrines are 16 ft by 27 ft concrete slabs 
(Feature W-2 and W-3), divided into two rooms. 
One room has three toilet waste pipes and the 
other five toilet waste pipes (Figure 9.56). 

Concrete footing blocks remain at Warehouse 9 
(n = 7), 10 (n = 2), 11 (n = 6), 12 (n=l), 13 (n=l), 
14 (n=l), 18 (n=l), 21 (n=l), 25 (n=17), 26 
(n=12), 27 (n=l), 28 (n = 7), 29 (n=l), 30 (n=l), 
32 (n = 2), 36 (n = 5), 37 (n = 7), 38 (n = 5), and 39 
(n = 4). There were no footing blocks or other 
evidence of a building at the three cross-hatched 
buildings on the 3/14/45 blueprint. 

Other features noted in this block include three 
asphalt driveways, between Warehouses 27 and 
28, 9 and 10, and 23 and 24, some indistinct rock 
alignments, and two manholes. A dense 
concentration of charcoal between Warehouses 
26 and 27 was designated Feature W-4. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include thousands of window glass 
fragments, about 700 bottle glass fragments 
(550+ clear, 40 brown, 40 purple, 25 green, 20 
blue, 10 aqua; predominately from soda bottles), 
200 ceramic fragments (stoneware, whiteware), 
two electrical porcelain knobs, thousands of wire 
nails, screws, 10 cans, over 20 crown caps, jar 
and can lids, a measuring cup for mixing baby 
formula (embossed with "S-M-A always pack 
tightly in cup"), a stencil, a hacksaw blade, 
brackets, springs, wire, five buttons (including a 
metal military uniform button), three paper clips, 
a wire clothes hanger, hinges, about 175 lumber 
fragments, piles of tarpaper, over 15 salt-glazed 
sewer pipe fragments, five bricks, and a few 
animal bone fragments. Several peach pits, likely 
from pre-relocation center trees rather than 
imported food, were also noted. 



246 




Figure 9.55. Staff Housing Block Laundry Room (Feature S-6). 




Figure 9.56. Overhead bi-pod view of latrine in Warehouse Block after removal 
of debris (Feature W-3). 



The 12X, inch by 6'/ 2 inch sheet metal stencil 
found in this block has the letters "WRA" 
stamped through it. There is a 3/4-inch-diameter 
hole at right end of the stencil that apparently 
was for hanging the stencil between uses. It was 



evidently discarded and used for another 
purpose: ten nails protrude from top edge and 
there are holes for four more nails along the left 
edge (Figure 9.57). 



247 



WR A 



2 inches 
i.i.i i 



Figure 9.57. WRA stencil found in Warehouse Block. 



Residential Blocks 

The numbers and types of buildings and facilities 
in each of the 36 residential blocks were 
standardized. Each block included 14 barracks, a 
community building, a mess hall, a laundry 
room, an ironing room, and two latrines (Figure 
9.58). The only exception was at Block 33, 
which lacked a community building. The layout 
of these buildings and facilities within each block 
was also standardized, varying only slightly in 
Blocks 25 and 26. 

All of the buildings were constructed of wood 
frame, board, and tarpaper. Foundations for the 
barracks, mess halls, and community buildings 
were 14-inch-square footing blocks set at 10 ft 
intervals (post and pier). The barracks and the 
community buildings were 20 ft by 100 ft, each 
with an exterior water faucet at one end. Later 
additions to the barracks to make them more 
bearable during temperature extremes and high 
winds included plasterboard insulation, roof 
ventilators and lathing, and foundation boards. 
The mess hall, 40 ft by 100 ft, had a water heater 
and a grease trap. Many of the mess halls had 
hand-dug storage cellars under them (Block 
Managers Daily Reports 1942-1945). Faucets and 
footing blocks remain at some of the barracks 
and mess hall locations (Figures 9.59 and 9.60). 

Although the buildings and layout were 



standardized, the Japanese Americans 
personalized and differentiated their grounds by 
adding sidewalks, stoops (or landings) at the foot 
of their wooden stairs, rock-lined pathways, 
gardens, and small ponds. Some even hand-dug 
basements under their barracks for use as root 
cellars (Houston and Houston 1973:69). Most of 
the residential blocks also had large community 
garden complexes, with ornamental ponds, 
streams, bridges, and paths. Typically these were 
located between the barracks and the mess hall, 
where the evacuees lined up for meals. Many of 
these evacuee improvements are still present, and 
together they comprise some of the most 
significant features at the National Historic Site. 

Foundations for the laundry room, ironing 
room, and latrines were concrete slabs. Most of 
these slabs are intact. The laundry room was 20 
ft by 50 ft, with a water heater and a grease trap 
(Figures 9.61 and 9.62). The grease traps not only 
helped prevent clogged sewerlines, they also 
allowed waste fats to be collected and recycled 
for the war effort. The ironing room was 20 ft 
by 28 ft (Figure 9.63). The ironing rooms were 
a later addition found necessary due to numerous 
blown fuses caused by the use of irons in the 
barracks. 

The latrines consisted of two separate (men's and 
women's) 20 ft by 30 ft buildings. Each had a 



248 



Fuel Oil Tank 5**^ ' 
and Shed Jv ' 



[I COMMUNITY BUILDING I] 

-d 1 



Fire Alarm 
Telephone 




-• — Overhead electrical line Waterhne ■ Sewer line IR Ironing room 

Q Transformer o Water heater O Manhole L Laundry 

• Power pole — © Fire hydrant S Grease trap LW Bath and Latrine (Woman) 

® Light Faucet LM Bath and Latrine (Men) 



Figure 9.58. Layout of typical residential block. 



249 





Figure 9.59. Building 1, Block 1, under construction 
(WRA photograph, courtesy of Eastern California 
Museum) . 



fire hydrants, a fire alarm telephone, and 
around nine power poles, some with street 
lights. Of these, only manholes remain. The 
rest were apparently completely removed for 
reuse or recycling. Blueprints indicate that 17 
of the residential blocks had a dirt basketball 
court and four had playground equipment. 
Block Manager Daily Reports (1943-1945) 
mention basketball courts at 19 blocks, 
volleyball courts at 16 blocks, a tennis court 
at one block, and playgrounds at six blocks. 
The remains of only one basketball post 
were found and it was at Block 3, a block 
not noted as having one on blueprints or in 
Block Managers Daily Reports. 




Figure 9.60. Location of Building 1, Block 1, in 1993. 



single water heater, a communal shower, and 
sinks. At virtually all of the latrines the evacuees 
added built-in or free-standing Japanese baths to 
supplement or replace the showers (Block 
Managers Daily Reports 1943-1945). The men's 
latrine had eight toilets and a trough urinal, 
while the women's latrine had 10 toilets (Figures 
9.64-9.66). For privacy the evacuees constructed 
partitions between the toilets at many of the 
latrines. Partitions were also added at the latrine 
entrance so people changing clothes could not be 
seen when the door was opened. 

Other residential block facilities included a raised 
heating oil storage tank enclosed by a shed, a 
garbage can rack, one or more manholes, two 



Block 1 

Block 1 was used partly for administrative 
offices. According to WRA blueprints, 
Barracks 1 was used by the Manzanar Free 
Press, Barracks 2 was used by Public Works 
and Public Relations, Barracks 3 was used by 
Adult Education, Barracks 4 was used by 
Education, Barracks 5 was used by Personnel 
and Statistics, Barracks 7 was used by 
Housing, and Barracks 8 was used by Mail 
Delivery. Most of the remaining barracks 
were used for bachelor's apartments. The 
laundry and ironing buildings were 
interconnected by a 20 ft by 30 ft building 

and used for the manufacture of shoyu and tofu. 

The women's latrine was converted to a laundry. 

In this block all of the central concrete slabs for 
the latrines, the laundry room, and the ironing 
room have been broken up and placed in piles. 
Concrete footing blocks remain at Barracks 3 
(n=l), 4 (n = 2), and an interconnecting building 
between Barracks 3 and 4 (n = 4). Other features 
include 10 upright water faucet pipes and two 
manholes. 

There are storm drains constructed of concrete 
and rock along the road east of Barracks 1 
(Features 1-1 and 1-2, Figure 9.67) and a rock 
alignment between them along the road (Feature 
1-4). Other evacuee-constructed features are 



250 




Figure 9.61. Overhead bi-pod view of typical residential block laundry room. 




Figure 9.62. Typical laundry room grease trap. 
251 




Figure 9.63. Overhead bi-pod view of typical residential block ironing room. 



limited to a rock alignment east of the men's 
latrine (Feature 1-3) and a concrete stoop on the 
west side of Barracks 12. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey in this block include five window glass 
fragments, hundreds of bottle and other glass 
fragments (green, clear, frosted, cobalt), 
30 ceramic fragments, three fragments of 
electrical porcelain, a door spring, a machine 
part, over 200 wire nails, 12 cans, a crown cap, 
four other metal artifacts, about seven lumber 
fragments, 15 bricks, a plastic button, plastic 
fragments, and a few bone fragments. Artifact 
density is greatest in the northern half of the 
block, with some other concentrations associated 
with building locations. 

Block 2 

The only building remains are the concrete slab 
foundations of the men's latrine, the women's 
latrine, the laundry room, and the ironing room, 
and concrete footing blocks at Barracks 7 (n=3), 
9 (n=l), and 14 (n=l). There are five upright 
water faucet pipes encircled with rocks and three 
intact manholes. Four other former water faucet 
locations have rock circles remaining and one has 



a concrete drain. 

Evacuee-constructed features include several 
landscaping elements. These include a small 
concrete-lined pool at the southeast corner of 
Barracks 2 (Feature 2-1), a concrete sidewalk 
between Barracks 4 and 5 (Feature 2-2), rock 
alignments and a concrete sidewalk between 
Barracks 11 and the men's latrine (Feature 2-3), 
a rock alignment between Barracks 8 and 9 and 
rock circles around trees east of Barracks 8 
(Feature 2-4), and two other minor rock 
alignments. There is one concrete stoop each at 
Barracks 5, 7, and 14, and an asphalt stoop at 
Barracks 2. 

Historical artifacts noted in this block during 
survey include five window glass fragments, 60 
bottle and other glass fragments (clear, brown, 
one purple), 10 whiteware ceramic fragments, 
300 wire nails, 30 cans (food, condensed milk, 
and beer), an oil drum, 10 other metal artifacts 
(including smooth, barbed, and insulated wire), 
25 lumber fragments, tarpaper, a leather boot 
part, two metal heel taps, and a ceramic button. 



252 




Figure 9.64. Overhead bi-pod view of typical residential block 
women's latrine. 




Figure 9.65. Overhead bi-pod view of typical residential block 
men's latrine. 



Block 3 

Concrete foundations present in this block 
include the slabs of the men's latrine, the 
women's latrine, the laundry room, and the 
ironing room. The men's latrine has a rock-lined 
concrete entry on its south side (see Figure 9.63). 
Concrete footing blocks remain only at Barracks 
8 (n=3). Other building remains include 10 
upright water faucet pipes, one encircled with 
rocks. There is a paved area adjacent to the west 
side of the mess hall. No surface evidence of a 
cellar completed beneath the mess hall on April 



19, 1943 (Block Manager Daily Reports 1943- 
1945), was found. 

Evacuee-constructed barracks features include a 
concrete stoop with imbedded glazed pipe 
fragments at Barracks 8 (Feature 3-1, Figure 
9.68), two concrete stoops (Feature 3-2) and a 2 
ft by 2 ft concrete slab entry (Feature 3-4) at 
Barracks 11, and a cobblestone and concrete 
stoop at Barracks 14 (Feature 3-6). A stoop on 
the south end of Barracks 7 appears to have been 
recently removed. 



253 




Figure 9.66. Detailed overhead bi-pod view of typical residential block men's 
latrine. 



Landscape features include a circle of rocks 
around a stump between the men's and women's 
latrine (Feature 3-5), and rock alignments north 
of Barracks 2, between Barracks 10 and 11, and 
east of the mess hall. A little over 19 ft east of 
the men's latrine slab there is a concrete support 
for a 7-inch-thick post flush to the ground 
(Feature 3-7). It likely supported a basketball 



backboard; according to relocation center 
blueprints, basketball courts were typically in 
this location in other residential blocks. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
100 window glass fragments, 500 bottle glass 
fragments (mostly clear, with 50 brown and 
aqua, 15 purple, 6 green), 50 ceramic fragments 



254 




Figure 9.67. Block 1 storm drain (Feature 1-2). 




Figure 9.68. Block 3 stoop (Feature 3-1). 



(plain whiteware, with some transfer print, 
stoneware, crockery), four electrical porcelain 
knobs, over 30 fragments of salt-glazed sewer 
pipe, four hardware parts (two hinges, pipe, 
wire), over 1200 wire nails, 10 sanitary seal cans, 
four other metal artifacts, 50 lumber fragments, 
15 bricks, two metal shoe taps, a leather boot 



fragment, a rubber sole fragment, a glass marble 
fragment, and a shell button. In general, artifacts 
are concentrated in the northern half of the 
block. 

Block 4 

This block has been subjected to heavy alluvi- 



255 



ation from LADWP water-spreading activities. 
The concrete foundation slabs for the men's 
latrine, the women's latrine, the laundry room, 
and the ironing room are buried by a thin layer 
of sand. No concrete footing blocks were noted 
at any of the former building locations. Eight 
upright water faucet pipes and debris (possibly 
from a destroyed manhole) are present. 

Evacuee-constructed features include a 
cobblestone and concrete stoop at Barracks 8 
(Feature 4-1), boulders and rock alignments 
between Barracks 14 and the mess hall (Feature 
4-2), a gravel entry at Barracks 9, and rock circles 
on the east and west sides of Barracks 13. This 
block may have a buried pond; the Block 
Managers Daily report for 10/19/43 for this 
block indicates he helped dig a fish pond all day. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include 45 window glass fragments, 250 
bottle glass fragments (110+ clear, 100 brown, 20 
green, 1 blue, 1 white), 15 ceramic fragments, 
180 wire nails, 45 cans, 24 other metal artifacts, 
60 lumber fragments, tarpaper, around 20 clay 
pigeon fragments, a rubber fragment, three salt- 
glazed sewer pipe fragments, and a few bone 
fragments. Artifacts are concentrated in the 
northern half of block and around barracks 9, 
13, and 19. 

Block 5 

The eastern third of this block incorporates a 
firebreak. Concrete slab foundations are present 
at the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The only 
remaining concrete footing block is at the mess 
hall. Depressions at Barracks 12 and 13 are 
possibly from infilled basements. There are seven 
upright water faucet pipes and a partially broken 
manhole. Northeast of the men's latrine there is 
a small concrete slab of unknown function. 

Evacuee-constructed features include a rock circle 
around a water faucet at the northwest corner of 
Barracks 1 (Feature 5-1), a cobblestone and 
concrete stoop at Barracks 5 (Feature 5-2), debris 



from a possible cobblestone stoop on the east 
side of the mess hall, and some small rock 
concentrations. East of Barracks 8, in the fire 
break portion of the block, there are seven 
remnant pre-relocation center apple trees that 
were likely maintained by the evacuees (Feature 
5-3). 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
35 window glass fragments, hundreds of bottle 
glass fragments (mostly clear with some green, 
milk, purple, brown, aqua, and cobalt), hundreds 
of ceramic fragments (government-issue 
stoneware, whiteware, yellowware, and 
crockery), 75 wire nails, 15 sanitary seal cans, a 
hole-in-top can, two 4-ft-long water pipe sections, 
a stove pipe cover, 15 lumber fragments, and a 
salt-glazed sewer pipe fragment. Most artifacts are 
along a wash on the south edge of the block, 
suggesting they are flood-washed material from 
the relocation center landfill. Three piles of 
ceramic fragments, probably from collectors, 
were also noted. 

Block 6 

Concrete foundations present in this block 
include slabs for the men's latrine, the women's 
latrine, the laundry room, and the ironing room. 
The women's latrine is buried under a thin layer 
of sand and the laundry room has an exposed 
grease trap. Barracks remains consist of a single 
concrete footing block at Barracks 11 and 10 
upright water faucet pipes. The remains of a 
concrete and brick manhole are scattered on top 
of the laundry slab; one piece has an incomplete 
inscription (see Appendix A). 

Remains of evacuee-constructed features include 
a small rock garden between Barracks 14 and the 
mess hall (Feature 6-1), a rock alignment east of 
the laundry room, and numerous rock 
concentrations. The Feature 6-1 rock garden, 
with some live and dead bamboo, is covered 
with debris and leaf litter. The Block Managers 
Daily report for 8/5/42 for this block indicates 
that this pond was started that day by the mess 
hall kitchen crew. 



256 




Figure 9.69. Block 7 faucet. 



Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
55 window glass fragments, 500 bottle glass 
fragments (300+ clear, 170 brown, 18 green, 6 
white, 2 purple, 2 aqua, 1 blue), 135 ceramic 
fragments, two hardware parts, 25 wire nails, 13 
cans, 28 other metal artifacts, 20 lumber 
fragments, a brick, a rubber hose fragment, and 
salt-glazed sewer pipe fragments. Most artifacts, 
found along a gully on the south edge of the 
block, are likely flood-washed material from the 
relocation center landfill (MANZ 1993 B-8). An 
apparent collector's hole was noted in the 
western portion of the block. 

Block 7 

This block was used for the relocation center 
high school. The concrete slabs for the men's 
latrine, the women's latrine, the laundry room, 
and the ironing room have been removed: all 
that remains of them is a small pile of concrete 
rubble and a grease trap at the laundry room. 
Barracks remains consist of two scattered 
concrete footing blocks and eight upright water 
faucet pipes (including one with a handle, Figure 
9.69). There is a manhole on the east edge of the 
block. 



Evacuee-constructed features include a rock 
alignment encircling an upright water faucet pipe 
at Barracks 5 (Feature 7-1) and rock alignments 
on the east side of Barracks 2 (Feature 7-2). 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
20 bottle glass fragments, 10 ceramic fragments, 
100 wire nails, five sanitary seal cans, two pocket 
tobacco cans, five can lids, crown caps, an oil 
drum and lid, wire, a button, 15 lumber 
fragments, a metal and wood trough, salt-glazed 
sewer pipe fragments, and 10 bricks. 

The northern one-third of the block is currently 
within the fenced Inyo County Maintenance 
Yard. In that area there are three small sheds, a 
trailer, a dirt road, and a small trailer pad with 
associated rock alignments and a walkway. 

Block 8 

Blueprints indicate that Barracks 14 of this block 
was used as a canteen. Concrete foundations 
present include slabs for the men's latrine, the 
women's latrine, the laundry room, and the 
ironing room. The women's latrine slab has been 
partially broken up. Concrete footing blocks 
remain at Barracks 8 (n= 1) and 9 (n= 1) and the 



257 



mess hall (n=3). Other remains include eight 
upright water faucet pipes (three encircled with 
rocks) and an intact manhole. The water faucet 
at the southeast corner of Barracks 1 1 appears to 
have been recently dug out. The only evacuee- 
constructed landscape feature noted in this block 
was a cobblestone sidewalk east of Barracks 9 
(Feature 8-1). 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
a window glass fragment, 15 bottle glass 
fragments (mostly clear with 3 brown, 1 cobalt, 
1 purple), four glass insulator fragments, a 
canning jar lid liner fragment, 10 other glass 
fragments, 15 ceramic fragments (whiteware and 
one transfer print), a metal military button, 
about 200 wire nails, 30 cans (mostly church-key- 
opened beer cans, with one condensed milk can, 
a cone top beer can, and a paint can), an oil 
drum, a hacksaw blade, heavy metal wire, 15 
lumber fragments, and 20 brick fragments. 

Block 9 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. Concrete 
footing blocks remain at Barracks 1 (n = 9), 3 
(n=3), 4 (n=2), 5 (n=2), 6 (n=2), 8 (n=2), 9 
(n=3), 10 (n= 1), 12 (n=6), and 14 (n= 1) and the 
mess hall (n=l). Other features include three 
upright faucet pipes (two with concrete, brick, 
and cobblestone overflow basins [Feature 9-1]) 
and a manhole. 

Evacuee-constructed landscaping in this block 
include an elaborate garden complex and 
numerous other features. The garden complex 
(Feature 9-9), located between Barracks 14 and 
the mess hall, includes a large landscaped mound 
of dark brown to black-colored soil, boulders, a 
stream, rock alignments, and possibly a buried 
pond. A large amount of dirt has been recently 
removed from the mound (Figure 9.70). An 
adjacent concrete stoop to the mess hall has a 
simulated wood pattern and color (Figure 9.71). 
Another concrete stoop, on the east side of 
Barracks 2, has the same pattern (Feature 9-3). It 



seems likely that this stoop is at the former 
home of the artisan who made these and other 
similar features in the relocation center. 

Other evacuee-constructed features include two 
small concrete basins on the east side of Barracks 
6 (Feature 9-5), a concrete stoop and rock 
alignment at Barracks 1 (Feature 9-2), a rock 
stoop and walkway at Barracks 3 (Feature 9-4), a 
concrete stoop with an inscription ("9 = 6= 1") at 
Apartment 1 of Barracks 6 (Feature 9-6, Figure 
9.72), and a concrete sidewalk along the east side 
of Barracks 6 (Feature 9-7). Rock alignments are 
present at Barracks 1, 2, 6, 9, 11 (Feature 9-10), 
and 14. Rock alignments and a concrete curb are 
at the southeast corner of the mess hall (Feature 
9-8). Concrete slabs are present at the northeast 
corner of Barracks 4, the northwest corner of 
Barracks 5, and between Barracks 12 and 13. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include seven window glass fragments, 
hundreds of bottle glass fragments (clear, aqua, 
green, brown), three white milk glass fragments, 
17 ceramic fragments (white stoneware), over 175 
wire nails, 1 1 cans, eight other metal artifacts, 32 
lumber fragments, 10 bricks, a stove pipe, 
electrical wire, and abalone shell fragments. One 
of the aqua glass fragments is a bottle base 
embossed with "Sake Brewery & Ice Company, 
LTD, Honolulu, Hawaii," the Owens Illinois 
Bottle Company hallmark, and a probable 1941 
date code. Six large fishhooks and a clothing pin 
with a nautical motif were found just southwest 
of Barracks 14 (Figure 9.73). This block 
reportedly housed fishermen and their families 
from the Terminal Island and San Pedro areas of 
Los Angeles (Sue Embrey, personal 
communication, 1993). 

Block 9 encompasses the location of a known 
pre-relocation center farm (Smith Farm, see 
Chapter 11). No features associated with that 
farm were identified, but some of the artifacts in 
this block may be associated with it. 



258 




Figure 9.70. Block 9 garden complex (Feature 9-9). 




Figure 9.71. Block 9 stoop (Feature 9-10). 



Block 10 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The 
laundry room has a concrete entry on its east 
side. Concrete footing blocks remain at Barracks 
4 (n = 2), 5 (n = 3), 8 (n=l), 9 (n = 2), 11 (n=6), 12 



(n=l), and 13 (n = 2), and the mess hall (n = 5). 
Other remains include 10 upright water faucet 
pipes. Most of these have concrete or rock 
overflow basins, and one is inscribed with the 
date June 6, 1943 (Feature 10-1). 

Other evacuee-constructed features include an 



259 




Figure 9.72. Block 9, Building 6, Apartment 1 stoop (Feature 9-6). 




Figure 9.73. Fish hooks and clothing pin found near Block 9 mess hall. 



elaborate garden complex with a concrete-lined 
pond, earthen mound, bench, and rock 
alignments between Barracks 12 and 13 (Feature 
10-3), a concrete sidewalk and stoop on the east 
side of Barracks 2 (Feature 10-2), a stoop on the 
east side of Barracks 2. There are evacuee- 
constructed rock alignments at the south end of 



Barracks 6, around a Cottonwood tree southwest 
of Barracks 6, and between Barracks 11 and 12. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
over 40 glass fragments, three ceramic fragments, 
over 150 wire nails, nine cans, an oil drum, three 
lumber fragments, a brick, a glass marble 



260 



fragment, and a glass insulator. 

Block 11 

The eastern third of this block incorporates a 
firebreak. A Kendo structure is shown on 
relocation center blueprints in this area, and 
victory gardens are visible in the southeastern 
portion of the firebreak in a 1944 aerial 
photograph. The Kendo structure ~ reportedly 
only consisted of a raised wooden platform (Sue 
Embrey, personal communication, 1993) in a 
grove of large Cottonwood trees. No remains 
were identified in the area, possibly because leaf 
litter is deep here. 

An above-ground steel pipeline (Feature 11-1) 
that likely supplied water to victory gardens is 
present in the northeastern portion of the 
firebreak. There are a few scattered apple trees in 
the southwest portion of the firebreak (Feature 
11-8), these remnant pre-relocation center trees 
were likely maintained by the evacuees. The 
Block Managers Daily Report for 8/2/43 for 
Block 26 indicates that the Kendo Manager (also 
the Block 26 Manager) spent all day laying water 
pipes in the firebreak between Blocks 10 and 11. 

In the residential portion of the block, concrete 
foundations present include slabs for the men's 
latrine, the women's latrine, the laundry room, 
and the ironing room. Concrete footing blocks 
remain at Barracks 2 (n=l), 4 (n=l), 8 (n = 3), 9 
(n=l), and 10 (n = 2), and the mess hall (n = 3). 
Other remains include an intact manhole and 
debris from another, a depression at the mess 
hall (likely from an infilled cellar), and 15 
upright water faucet pipes (including six with 
rock or concrete overflow basins, one inscribed 
with a 1944 date). A mess hall cellar is 
mentioned in the 7/10/43 Block Managers report 
for this block. At that time a permit was being 
requested to get rocks to line the cellar. 

Evacuee-constructed features consist of numerous 
entry stoops, two sidewalks, and rock 
alignments. Entry stoops include a cobblestone 
and concrete stoop at Barracks 3 (Feature 11-3), 



a concrete and rock stoop on the north end of 
Barracks 6 (Feature 11-7), a concrete stoop 
inscribed with a name and date (Shintoni May 
21, 1944) and a concrete and wood stoop at 
Barracks 8 (Feature 11-2), and stoops on the 
south end of Barracks 10, the west side of 
Barracks 12, and the east side of Barracks 14. 
There are concrete sidewalks along the east side 
of Barracks 2 (Feature 11-4) and between 
Barracks 12 and 13 (Feature 11-5) and rock 
alignments between Barracks 14 and the mess 
hall (Feature 11-6), at the north end of Barracks 
11, and between Barracks 7 and the community 
building. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
17 window glass fragments, over 100 bottle glass 
fragments (mostly clear and brown with a few 
aqua, blue, and purple), a glass insulator 
fragment, 20 ceramic fragments, three stove 
pipes, 80 wire nails, eight sanitary seal cans, a 
pocket tobacco can, smooth wire, barbed wire, 
22 boards, 10 other lumber fragments, 11 bricks, 
a barrel hoop, a button, two marbles, a wooden 
broom handle, salt-glazed sewer pipe fragments, 
and a plastic bottle cap. 

Block 12 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. Concrete 
footing blocks remain at Barracks 1 (n = 3), 3 
(n=2), 11 (n = 3), and 12 (n=2), and the mess 
hall (n=3). Other remains include two manholes 
and four upright water faucet pipes. 

This block includes one of the best preserved 
evacuee-constructed garden complexes at the site. 
Located between Barracks 14 and the mess hall, 
it has a large concrete-lined pond, a stream with 
waterfalls, an island, a sidewalk, and rock 
alignments (Feature 12-1, Figures 9.74 and 9.75). 

Other evacuee-constructed features consist of 
concrete stoops on the south, north, and east 
sides of Barracks 14 and a concrete sidewalk on 
the east side of Barracks 14 (Feature 12-2), 



261 




Figure 9.74. Block 12 pond and garden complex (Feature 12-1). 



* 
« 

4 
< 

* 
« 



>« » ♦ » <» «»• «••••••• 



I Wood Frame Building 
1 (Barrack 14) 




Step 



m •••»••«•»• 



I oo 

(-t\ 5»« °° ^C Slump 



Block 12, Feature I 

3 Meters 



^ 



• 


Rock 


o 


Displaced rock 


o 


Rock in bottom of water channel 


- — 


Drop in water channel 


« 13 


Elevation in meters above 
pond bottom 


ur 


Concrete edge with wood 
post impressions 
Slope in pond wall 


c* 


Depression 



Tree 

Tree stump 

Raised rock and concrete block - 

start of water flow 

Water pipe 

Upright ceramic pipe 

Concrete and rock island with 

rock impressions 

Overflow pipe - 

elevation at top of pipe is 58cm 



__J 



Figure 9.75. Block 12 pond and garden complex (Feature 12-1). 

262 



Table 9.3. 
Tabulation of Historical 
Residential Block 12. 



Artifacts in 



Object Classification 


o 




Ih 
V 

6 


-a 
2 

u 

2 

I/O 


Structural Materials 






120 


Window Glass 


5 






Hardware 




4 




Nails 




80 




Utilities 








u 

s 

o 
Q 


Beverage Storage 


65 


2 




Food Storage 


252 


70 




Food Preparation 




1 




Food Remains 








Food Serving 






3 


Furnishings 


1 


1 




Pharmaceutical 


6 






13 
a 
o 

(/! 

Ih 
U 

Ph 


Clothing 








Jewelry 








Grooming and Hygiene 








Money 








U 

Q 

< 


Ammunition 








Leisure 




1 




Automobile 








Miscellaneous Tools 








Toys 








Writing 








Unclassified 




12 


2 



concrete stoops on the west sides of Barracks 3 
and 7, and rock alignments at Barracks 8 and 9. 



Artifacts 

This block encompasses the location of a pre- 
relocation center farm (Wells Farm, see Chapter 
11). No features associated with that building 
were identified, but some of the artifacts in this 
block may be associated with it. Because the area 
is densely wooded with abundant leaf litter, 
additional artifacts may be buried. 

Non-structural artifacts were counted and 
representative samples collected (see Chapter 8). 
Structural artifacts, such as window glass, 
lumber, and pipe fragments, were noted and 
numbers estimated during survey. The results of 
both tabulations are summarized in Table 9.3. 

Structural artifacts noted include five window 
glass fragments, four hardware parts, 80 wire 
nails, screen pieces, two pipe sections, and 117 
lumber fragments. 

Beverage storage is represented by two crown 
caps, 59 brown glass fragments (from at least six 
different bottles) and six green fragments (from 
at least three bottles). One of the brown glass 
bottle bases, embossed with "Made in Japan," 
may be from a sake bottle. 

Items associated with food storage include 10 
sanitary seal cans, 34 condensed milk cans, 14 
can lids, three jar lids, a metal canning jar lid, 
and 252 clear glass fragments (from at least 26 
different containers). Glass marks include two 
bases with the Owens Illinois Bottle Company 
hallmark (with a "2" and "44" date code) and one 
base with the Hazel-Atlas Glass Company 
hallmark (1920-1964). The condensed milk cans 
are of a size (3"/ 6 inch by 2% inch) commonly 
made between 1935 and 1945 (Simonis n.d.). 
Some of the can lids have been pierced by nails 
suggesting they may have been used to patch 
holes and cracks in the barracks walls. 



263 



ltm a,^0mm0K 




Figure 9.76. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 13 (north to right). 



The only food preparation artifact recorded was 
a small baking tray. No food remains were 
recorded. Artifacts associated with food serving 
include a green ceramic fragment, a blue and 
white ceramic fragment, and a porcelain cup 
fragment. Furnishings include an ornate glass lid 
and a metal shaker top from an "Old Dutch 
Cleanser" can. Potential pharmaceutical items 
consist of four white glass fragments and two 



blue glass fragments. 

No personal artifacts, such as clothing, grooming 
items, or money, were noted. The only artifact 
recorded indicating a specialized activity, in this 
case leisure, was a pocket tobacco can. 

Unclassified artifacts include unidentified artifacts 
as well as artifacts with potentially multiple 



264 



— V 



L _ 



Concrete slab 



r 



i 



f 



N 





MANZ 1993 A -30 




Feature 13-1 




Fire Department Slab 




3 Meters 
1 i i i 




r — r ■ t — r i 1 

10 Feet 


3 


Inscription (1-4) 


A 


Shoe prints 


a 


Wood beam hole 


- 


- Concrete slab obscured 




by sand 


• 


Bolt 



3 
o 4 



\ 



s J 



Figure 9.77. Block 13 Fire Station (Feature 13-1). 



functions (such as wire) which hindered placing 
them in a particular category, and artifacts too 
fragmentary or altered to further classify. 
Unclassified items recorded include 11 metal 
fragments, a smooth wire, a plastic fragment, and 
a rubber hose fragment. 

Block 13 

The relocation center fire department was 
located in the east-central portion of this block 
(Figure 9.76). The foundation of the fire station 
(Feature 13-1) consists of a central 20 ft by 40 ft 



concrete slab; around its perimeter there are 
imbedded bolts to anchor wood-frame walls. 
There is a 7 ft by 11 ft concrete entry ramp to 
"A" Street on the east side. Adjacent to the 
building along the north and south sides, 2 
inches below the level of the central slab, are 
7 x h ft by 38 ft concrete slabs, possibly 
foundations for additions. North and south of 
the entry ramp there are 7 ft by 16 ft slab 
additions of different texture and composition 
(Figure 9.77 and 9.78). The entry ramp has a few 
shoe imprints in the concrete and the additions 



265 




Figure 9.78. Block 13 Fire Station (Feature 13-1). 




Figure 9.79. Auditorium cornerstone found in Block 13 (Feature 13-8). 



have several inscriptions (see Appendix A). The 
Block Managers Daily Report for this block 
mentions that on 8/11/42 an addition was made 
to the Fire Station to make room for another 
vehicle. 

Other concrete foundations present in this block 



include slabs for the men's latrine, the women's 
latrine, the laundry room, and the ironing room. 
Concrete footing blocks remain at all former 
building locations: Barracks 1 (n=8), 2 (n=4), 3 
(n=4), 4 (n=l), 5 (n-3), 6 (n=l), 7 (n = 4), 8 
(n=5), 9 (n=l), 10 (n=4), 11 (n=4), 12 (n=l), 13 
(n=6), and 14 (n = 2), the community building 



266 



Table 9.4. 
Tabulation of Historical 
Residential Block 13. 



Artifacts in 



Object Classification 


o 


"3 


d 


•a 

a 

u 

2 


Structural Materials 




2 


54 


Window Glass 


160 






Hardware 




4 


1 


Nails 




300 




Utilities 




2 


1 


u 

V 

a 

o 
Q 


Beverage Storage 


369 


56 




Food Storage 


333 


89 


3 


Food Preparation 




6 




Food Remains 






23 


Food Serving 


2 


3 


68 


Furnishings 


4 


11 


1 


Pharmaceutical 


40 






-73 

a 

o 

Ih 

<L> 


Clothing 




4 


15 


Jewelry 








Grooming and Hygiene 






1 


Money 








M 
.** 

*> 

< 


Ammunition 




1 




Leisure 




2 


10 


Automobile 


16 


12 


10 


Miscellaneous Tools 




19 


1 


Toys 


7 


2 




Writing 








Unclassified 




109 


20 



(n=l), and the mess hall (n=2). Other features 
include a manhole and nine upright water faucet 
pipes (four with associated rocks or concrete 
debris). In addition, there is a 40 ft by 100 ft 
concrete slab (possibly a patio) that covers the 
entire area between Barracks 13 and 14 (Feature 
13-2). 

Between the locations of Barracks 12 and 13 
there are four out of place 2-ft-square concrete 
blocks; one block is lettered "AUDITORI... FEB. 12, 
1944" indicating it and the other blocks have been 
moved from the auditorium block (Feature 13-8, 
Figure 9.79). Historical photographs on file at 
Manzanar National Historic Site taken by Toyo 
Miyatake indicate this block or "cornerstone" 
was located at the southwest corner of the south 
wing of the auditorium which was removed 
prior to the early 1950s (see Figure 4.55). 

Evacuee-constructed landscaping features consist 
of cans embedded in concrete surrounding a 
stump between Barracks 3 and 4 (Feature 13-3), 
rock alignments on the west, east, and north 
sides of Barracks 10 (Feature 13-4), a rock and 
concrete stoop and rock alignments on the north 
end of Barracks 9 (Feature 13-5), a concrete and 
rock stoop and walkway on the east side of the 
mess hall (Feature 13-6), rock alignments at the 
south end of Barracks 13 (Feature 13-7), a 
concrete and asphalt entry at the northeast end 
of Barracks 2, and a rock alignment at the south 
end of Barracks 12. 

Artifacts 

Non-structural artifacts were counted and 
representative samples collected (see Chapter 8). 
Structural artifacts, such as window glass, 
lumber, and pipe fragments, were noted and 
amounts estimated during survey. The results of 
both tabulations are summarized in Table 9.4. 
Some items recorded, such as the late 1940s 
whiskey bottles, are likely associated with the 
use of the adjacent relocation center auditorium 
by the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW). Other 
recorded artifacts, especially those related to 
automobile use, are likely associated with 



267 



*' f 




Figure 9.80. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 14 (north to right). 



the subsequent use of the auditorium by Inyo 
County as a maintenance facility. 

Structural artifacts noted include 160 window 
glass fragments, six electrical porcelain fragments, 
two large door hinges, 300 wire nails, steel drain 
collars, two toilet chains, steel pipe fragments, 
four pieces of sheet metal, 50 lumber fragments, 
and 10 brick fragments. 



Beverage storage is represented by 12 church-key- 
opened cans, five cone top beer cans, 39 crown 
caps, and 369 bottle glass fragments. The bottle 
fragments include 352 of brown glass (from at 
least 58 different bottles), 10 of green, and seven 
of aqua. Identifiable types include at least two 
"Coke" bottles (Bishop Bottling Co.), a Mission 
soda bottle, two oval whiskey bottles, and eight 



268 



Table 9.5. 
Tabulation of Historical Artifacts in 
Residential Block 14. 



Object Classification 


o 


-3 

*-> 


In 

u 

6 


-a 

u 

3 

u 

2 

t/3 


Structural Materials 




6 


75 


Window Glass 


125 






Hardware 




67 




Nails 




1,000 




Utilities 




4 


25 


(J 
U 

6 
o 

Q 


Beverage Storage 


142 


7 




Food Storage 


252 


101 




Food Preparation 




2 




Food Remains 






5 


Food Serving 


2 


1 


36 


Furnishings 




5 


8 


Pharmaceutical 


9 






■a 

a 
o 

U 
U 


Clothing 


1 


1 


1 


Jewelry 


2 






Grooming and Hygiene 




1 




Money 








En 

B 

'> 
*-» 
u 

< 


Ammunition 








Leisure 








Automobile 




1 


1 


Miscellaneous Tools 








Toys 








Writing 








Unclassified 




18 


2 



round-base whiskey bottles. Six of the whiskey 
bottles have the Owens Illinois Bottle Company 
hallmark; four of these have date code "48," and 
one each has "4," "7," and "49." The only other 
hallmark noted was the Newborn Glass 
Company (pre- 1924). Readable cans include a 
"White Rock Lemon Ginger Ale can ("White 
Rock Bottlers Co. ... Los Angeles") and a can 
with "... Brewing Co. 1947." 

Artifacts associated with food storage include 76 
sanitary seal cans, 10 can lids, three jar lids, 333 
clear glass fragments (from over 30 different 
containers), and three purple glass fragments. 
Glass base marks include one with the Owens 
Illinois Bottle Company hallmark and a "48" 
date code, one with the Hazel-Atlas Glass 
Company hallmark (1920-1964), and one with 
the Maywood Glass Company hallmark and a 
"51" date code. 

Artifacts associated with food preparation 
include two coffee maker parts, three bread 
baking pans, and a metal funnel. Food remains 
noted include 23 abalone shell fragments. 

Artifacts associated with food serving include 
two metal spoons, a metal plate, a green glass 
saucer fragment, a green glass teacup fragment, 
and 68 ceramics. The ceramics include porcelain 
saucer and lid fragments (some with black and 
white floral designs, tan and black floral designs, 
or parallel blue lines), nonvitreous white-bodied 
earthenware plate, bowl, and cup fragments 
(some with a blue floral transfer print), and 
vitreous hotel ware plate and bowl fragments 
(basemarks include "Shenango," "TEPCO," and 
"...na [Newcastle, P..."). 

Noted furnishings include six light bulb bases, 
three clothes hangers, a bed spring, a latch hook, 
three fragments of mirror glass, a brown glass 
"Purex" bottle fragment, and a suitcase handle. 

Potential pharmaceutical items include 30 white 
glass fragments, nine blue glass fragments, and a 



269 




Figure 9.81. Block 14 rock alignments (Feature 14-1). 



fragment of a clear glass oval-base liquid 
prescription medicine bottle. The medicine bottle 
has "ILLINOIS" and the Owens Illinois Bottle 
Company hallmark and the date code "5." 

Personal artifacts include those associated with 
clothing and grooming and hygiene. Clothing 
includes eight shell buttons, three plastic buttons, 
a metal button, three metal shoe heel taps, and 
six other shoe parts (soles and insoles). 
Grooming is represented by a plastic comb. 

Several specialized activities, including those 
associated with firearms, leisure, automobile use, 
children's play, and miscellaneous tasks, are 
represented by the artifacts found in this block. 
Ammunition consists of one .22-caliber shell. 
Leisure activities is represented by two pocket 
tobacco cans, a badly decomposed golf ball, and 
nine 1/8-inch-thick phonograph record 
fragments. Items associated with automobile use 
include two tires, three spark plugs (two 
"Autolite Resister" and one "AC-MB"), 10 oil 
cans, an oil filter, four air filters, a rubber knob 
(embossed with "DELCO MORAINE PRO U.S.A. 
5453829"), a "Studebaker" hubcap, a red taillight 
fragment, and 15 fragments of two glass battery 



acid bottles ("...ckaged by ...te Battery Corp 
...ledo, Ohio ... at 80° N ... milk mag... te... 
batteries ..."). Toys include seven glass marbles, 
half of a metal gun, and a metal P/ 4 inches by /, 
inch shovel blade. Miscellaneous tools include a 
metal spout, a paint can, a solvent can, a rake 
fragment, a rubber washer, 11 metal washers, a 
bolt, two hack saw blades, and a galvanized 
bucket. 

Unclassified artifacts include unidentified artifacts 
as well as artifacts with potentially multiple 
functions (such as wire) which hindered placing 
them in a particular category, and artifacts too 
fragmentary or altered to further classify. 
Unclassified items include a piece of leather, 
eight rubber hose fragments, three other rubber 
fragments, nine plastic fragments, five small 
springs, a barrel hoop, a piece of barbed wire, a 
piece of wire fencing, 46 other wire fragments, 
three metal strips, three metal fittings, 45 
miscellaneous machine parts, 59 metal fragments, 
and a barnacle (found near Barracks 14). 

Block 14 

Relocation center blueprints indicate the mess 
hall at this block was used as a community 



270 



hostel. Concrete foundations present include 
slabs for the men's latrine, the women's latrine, 
the laundry room, and the ironing room. 
Concrete footing blocks remain at Barracks 4 
(n=l), 5(n=3),6(n=l), 10 (n=l), and 11 (n=l), 
and the hostel (n=7). Other features include a 
manhole depression and four upright water 
faucets; many other former faucet locations are 
indicated by concentrations of rock. Water and 
sewer lines appear to have been removed (Figure 
9.80). 

Evacuee-constructed features include a walkway 
and rock alignments at Barracks 1 (Feature 14-1, 
Figure 9.81), a broken concrete stoop and rock 
alignments at Barracks 4 (Feature 14-7), a 
walkway, a stoop, and rock alignments at 
Barracks 7 (Feature 14-3), a rock and concrete 
stoop and some cans embedded in concrete at 
Barracks 8 (Feature 14-2), a walkway, a stoop, 
and rock alignment at the south end of the 
community building (Feature 14-5), walkways, a 
stoop, and rock alignments at Barracks 10 
(Feature 14-6), a broken rock and concrete 
sidewalk south of Barracks 10 (Feature 14-9), a 
small section of concrete sidewalk between 
Barracks 12 and 13, displaced boulders and rock 
alignments west of the ironing room (Feature 
14-4), a rocky mound and an L-shaped rock 
alignment between Barracks 1 and 8 (Feature 14- 
8), stoops at Barracks 5, 7, 8, and 13, and 
numerous rock and broken concrete 
concentrations. 

A rtifacts 

Non-structural artifacts were counted and 
representative samples collected (see Chapter 8). 
Structural artifacts, such as window glass, 
lumber, and pipe fragments, were noted and 
amounts estimated during survey. The results of 
both tabulations are summarized by functional 
category in Table 9.5. 

Structural artifacts noted during survey include 
approximately 125 window glass fragments, 
electrical porcelain fragments, four hinges, a light 
switch chain, hundreds of wire nails, stove pipe, 



door springs, lighting fixtures, a bolt and nut, a 
pump handle part, two pieces of sheet metal, 
tarpaper, 60 lumber fragments, 15 brick 
fragments, and salt-glazed sewer pipe fragments. 

Artifacts associated with beverage storage include 
a church-key-opened can, cone top beer can, five 
crown caps, and 142 bottle glass fragments. The 
bottle fragments include 86 of green glass (from 
at least 16 different bottles), 44 of brown (from 
at least eight bottles), 11 of aqua, and one dark 
olive. Identifiable soda bottles include eight 
"LaVida," four "Coke" (Bishop Bottling Co.), 
four "Mission" soda (Bishop), and three "Seven- 
Up" (Los Angeles). The Owens Illinois Bottle 
Company hallmark was noted on four brown 
bottle bases; date codes include "2," "44," and 
"47." 

Food storage is represented by 43 sanitary seal 
cans, 30 condensed milk cans, 24 can lids, four 
jar lids, 252 clear glass fragments (from at least 31 
different containers), five aqua canning jar 
fragments, six purple glass fragments. 

The condensed milk cans are of a size (3'X 4 inches 
by 2% inches) commonly made between 1935 
and 1945 (Simonis n.d.). Many of the milk cans 
were used as filler within concrete features. Some 
of the can lids have been pierced by nails 
suggesting they may have been used to patch 
holes and cracks in the barracks walls. 

Glass fragments with basemarks, all clear glass, 
include three with the Owens Illinois Bottle 
Company hallmark (date codes include "8" and 
"44") and one each with the Anchor Hocking 
Glass Corporation hallmark (with a "46" date 
code), the Glass Containers Inc. hallmark 
(1945 +), the Hazel-Atlas Glass Company (1920- 
1964), the Latchford-Marble Glass Company 
hallmark (1939-1957), and "REGAL AMBER 
BREWING CO." 

Artifacts associated with food preparation 
include a metal strainer and a baking pan. Food 
remains consist of five abalone shell fragments. 



271 



Artifacts associated with food serving include a 
metal plate, a glass plate fragment, a glass saucer 
fragment, and 36 ceramics. The ceramics include 
fragments of a molded Art Deco Style (1930s) 
bowl and fragments of vitreous hotelware bowls 
and plates (basemarks include TEPCO and 
McNichol China U.S.Q.M.C. ... Mar. 20, 1944). 

Noted furnishings include a mop- head, three 
light bulb bases, a broom handle, a bed spring, 
two fragments of a reddish brown glaze 
stoneware cylindrical vessel, and five terra cotta 
flower pot fragments. 

Artifacts categorized as pharmaceutical include 
four white glass fragments and five blue glass 
fragments. 

Personal artifacts include those associated with 
clothing, jewelry, grooming and hygiene. The 
clothing category includes a shell button, a metal 
shoe heel tap, and a green sunglasses lens 
fragment. Jewelry consists of two dark blue glass 
beads. Grooming and hygiene is represented by 
a bobby pin 

Only two artifacts indicating a specialized 
activity, in this case automobile use, were 
recorded. These include a tire fragment and an 
oil can. 

Unclassified artifacts include unidentified artifacts 
as well as artifacts with potentially multiple 
functions (such as wire) which hindered placing 
them in a particular category, and artifacts too 
fragmentary or altered to further classify. 
Unclassified items recorded include a metal 
spool, two barrel hoops, a 50-gallon drum, a 
rubber fragment, a plastic fragment, a horseshoe, 
and 12 metal fragments. 

Block 15 

Relocation center blueprints indicate the 
community building in this block was used for 
a Protestant church. Building remains present 
include concrete slabs for the men's latrine, the 
women's latrine, the laundry room and the 



ironing room. The ironing room slab is buried 
and the men's latrine and laundry slabs are 
partially buried. Concrete footing blocks remain 
at Barracks 1 (n=l), 3 (n=l), 9 (n=l), and 13 
(n=2). Other remains include two manholes 
(Figure 9.82), seven upright water faucet pipes 
(two with overflow basins), and a possible 
basement depression at Barracks 13. 

The most impressive evacuee-constructed feature 
in this block is a small garden at the south and 
southeast end of Barracks 8. It has concrete 
sidewalks, a stoop, rock alignments, and a 3-ft- 
high upright automobile driveline used as a 
decorative element (Feature 15-1). The Block 
Managers Daily Report for this block indicates 
this garden was built by Tak Muto and 
completed on 7/31/42. It was likely one of the 
first completed at the relocation center; it is the 
first residential rock garden mentioned in any of 
the Block Managers Daily Reports. 

Remains of other evacuee-constructed 
landscaping consists of numerous rock 
alignments, stoops, and walkways. These include 
a concrete curb, a concrete and cobble walkway, 
rock alignments, and stoops at Barracks 1 
(Features 15-3 and 15-4), a rock wall, rock 
alignments, stoops at Barracks 2 (Feature 15-8), 
and rock alignments, a walkway, a stoop, and a 
post on the north end of Barracks 3 (Feature 15- 
7). Between Barracks 8 and 9 are rock alignments 
and concrete fragments with partial inscriptions 
(Feature 15-2). At the south end of Barracks 12 
and between Barracks 11 and 12 are concrete 
sidewalks (Feature 15-6). There is a concrete 
stoop at the north end of Barracks 13 that has an 
address of embedded pebbles ("15-13-4" signifying 
block, barracks, and apartment number, Figure 
9.83) and a rock alignment that extends from the 
stoop to Barracks 12 (Feature 15-5). There are 
also stoops on the south side of the mess hall and 
on the west side of the community building. 
Rock alignments encircle trees north of Barracks 
11, northeast of Barracks 12, and west of 
Barracks 13, and there are numerous other rock 
concentrations and possible alignments. 



272 




Figure 9.82. Block 15 manhole and cover. 




Figure 9.83. Block 15, Building 13, Apartment 4 entry (Feature 15-5). 



Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
hundreds of window glass fragments, hundreds of 
bottle glass fragments (mostly clear with 30 
brown, 20 green, 4 purple, 2 blue, 1 white), a 
glass marble, 65 ceramic fragments (whiteware, 
yellowware, blue glazed white and yellowware, 
transfer print, terra cotta), electrical porcelain 



knobs, hundreds of wire nails, 20 sanitary seal 
cans, 50 lumber fragments, three brick fragments, 
four salt-glazed sewer pipe fragments, tarpaper, 
and portions of a 1945 newspaper. 



273 




Figure 9.84. Block 17 rock alignments (Feature 17 



Block 16 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The 
laundry room includes an exposed grease trap 
inscribed with some initials (see Appendix A). 
Concrete footing blocks remain at Barracks 3 
(n=2), 8 (n=l), and 10 (n=l), and the mess hall 
(n=l). Other features include a manhole and 
seven upright water faucet pipes (six with rocks 
around them). 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features consist of 
rock alignments between Barracks 5 and 6 
(Feature 16-1) and cobble and concrete 
concentrations (likely from broken stoops) at 
Barracks 1, 2, 3, 7, and 14. There may have been 
a large garden complex in this block at one time; 
the 8/5/42 Block Managers Daily Report for this 



block mentions a request for cement to build 
a rock garden. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey 
include hundreds of window glass fragments, 
60 bottle fragments (clear and brown), glass 
insulator fragments, a glass marble, three 
ceramic fragments, electrical porcelain parts, 
hundreds of wire nails, eight cans (six 
sanitary seal, one condensed milk, one 
pocket tobacco), crown caps, a "Schick" 
razor blade dispenser, a cable, a door hinge, 
a screen door spring, 25 lumber fragments, 
shingle fragments, and four brick fragments. 
In addition, there is a small can dump 
exposed in a drainage on the southern edge 
of the block that apparently pre-dates the 
relocation center (this dump was recorded as 
part of MANZ 1993 A-28). 

Block 17 

The only feature noted in the eastern third 
of this block, a firebreak, was a manhole. In 
the residential portion of the block, concrete 
slab foundations are present at the men's 
latrine, the women's latrine, the laundry 
room, and the ironing room. The men's 
latrine slab is buried by sand and the laundry 
room has an exposed grease trap. Concrete 
footing blocks remain at Barracks 1 (n=7), 2 
(n = 5), 3 (n=2), 4 (n=5), 5 (n = 4), 7 (n=l), 8 
(n= 1), 12 (n= 1), and 14 (n = 3), and the mess hall 
(n=3). Nine upright water faucet pipes also 
remain. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features include 
now-broken concrete slabs southeast of Barracks 
1 (Feature 17-1), one with an inscription (see 
Appendix A) and a possible buried concrete 
sidewalk north of that barracks. There are 
remains of a possible garden between Barracks 8 
and 9, and a terraced rock garden with a 
beavertail cactus between the Barracks 2 and 3 
(Feature 17-2, Figure 9.84). Rock alignments 
remain at Barracks 4 (Feature 17-3), Barracks 7 
(Feature 17-4), and Barracks 8 (Feature 17-6), a 
rock alignment west of the community building, 



274 



and there are rock alignments and stoops on the 
south ends of Barracks 2 and 3. Southeast of the 
mess hall there is a low cement and cobblestone 
wall 1 ft wide by 8 ft long (Feature 17-5). Two 
wood posts protrude from the top. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include 50 window glass fragments, 255 
bottle glass fragments (240 clear, 8 green, 4 
purple, 3 brown), a glass marble, 10 ceramic 
fragments (white ware and terra cotta), electrical 
porcelain parts, electrical porcelain knobs, 115 
wire nails, two sanitary seal cans, a "Gillet" razor 
blade fragment, an oval brass tag (embossed with 
"N.Y.A. 20063 CALIF."), rubber fragments, clay 
sewer pipe fragments, 27 lumber fragments 
(including a wood window frame), a brick, and 
some shell. There is a dense concentration of 
glass and nails on the laundry and ironing room 
foundations. 

Block 18 

Relocation center blueprints indicate the mess 
hall in this block was used for a Buddhist 
church. A recent ditch, berm, and road cut 
across the western portion of the block. A small 
recent-looking depression at the former church 
location was probably the material source for a 
portion of the berm. 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. However, 
ditch construction and roads have partially 
destroyed the laundry room slab and all but 
totally destroyed the ironing room slab. 
Concrete footing blocks remain at Barracks 4 
(n=l), 5 (n = 5), 6 (n=l), and 8 (n=l), the 
community building (n=l), and the Buddhist 
church (n = 1) . Other remains include an intact 
manhole and 10 upright water faucet pipes (two 
with associated rock concentrations). 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features include 
rock alignments between Barracks 1 and 2 
(Feature 18-1), Barracks 2 and 3, Barracks 3 and 
4, Barracks 5 and 6 (Feature 18-3), and Barracks 



8 and 9, rock alignments on the north sides of 
Barracks 8, 9, and 10 (Feature 18-6), a broken 
concrete sidewalk along the east side of Barracks 
5 (Feature 18-2), a concrete stoop on the west 
side of Barracks 5, a concrete sidewalk and 
scattered concrete slabs and rock work at the 
north end of Barracks 7 (Feature 18-4), a small 
concrete slab on the south side of Barracks 11 
with two deliberate handprints (Feature 18-5, 
Figure 9.85), rock circles around several dispersed 
trees, and numerous other rock concentrations. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include 50 window glass fragments, 30 
bottle glass fragments (mostly clear with five 
brown), a glass insulator fragment, three 
whiteware ceramic fragments, two terra cotta 
flower pot fragments, electrical porcelain knobs, 
approximately 600 wire nails, 10 sanitary seal 
cans, a cable, a horseshoe, barbed wire, metal 
pipe, a screen door spring, a plastic button, a 
battery, a comb fragment, one complete section 
of clay sewer pipe and 50 fragments, 35 lumber 
fragments, and a few unidentified shell 
fragments. 

Block 19 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room (with an exposed grease trap), and 
ironing room. Concrete footing blocks remain at 
Barracks 1 (n=5), 2 (n = 6), 3 (n = 2), 4 (n=4), 5 
(n=7), 6 (n=l), 7 (n = 9), 8 (n = 4), 9 (n=10), 10 
(n = 8), 12 (n = 4), 13 (n=7), and 14 (n = 9), the 
community building (n=l), and the mess hall 
(n=3). Other features include an intact manhole, 
a destroyed manhole, and nine upright water 
faucet pipes. One of the faucet pipes has a 
concrete overflow basin inscribed with "1943" 
(Feature 19-2) and two others have associated 
rocks. Water and sewer lines in this block appear 
to have been removed (Figure 9.86). 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features consist of 
concrete or concrete and rock stoops and rock 
alignments at Barracks 1 (Feature 19-3), 3, 4, 5, 
and 11. Rock alignments, what may have been a 



275 




Figure 9.85. Handprints in Block 18 concrete stoop (Feature 18-5). 



rock and concrete fountain, and stumps or posts 
are at the south end of Barracks 5 (Feature 19-1). 
Other remains include scattered rock at the 
north end of Barracks 7, a concrete curb on the 
east side of Barracks 8, a concrete sidewalk at the 
northeast corner of Barracks 12, and a rock 
walkway at the south end of Barracks 6. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include 200 window glass fragments, 800 
bottle glass fragments (550+ clear, 80 aqua, 125 
brown, 50 green, 30 light green [Seven-Up], 15 
white, 3 blue), 50 white stoneware ceramic 
fragments, seven terra cotta flower pot 
fragments, 10 electrical porcelain fragments, 15 
miscellaneous machine parts (mower part), 20 
miscellaneous hardware parts (latches, hinges, 
drains, brackets, plate metal, eye-hook, springs, 
pipe, stove top, stove pipe), over 3,000 wire 
nails, 30 cans, 12 can lids, three crown caps, a 
single-edge razor blade, two plastic buttons, four 
shell buttons, a metal military button, a glass 
marble, a comb fragment, fencing, leather 
fragments, a shoe heel tap, a toothpaste tube, half 
of a roller skate, a paper clip, rubber fragments, 
wallboard bits, window screen fragments, 
electrical wire, 80 lumber fragments, 75 concrete 



pipe fragments, three brick fragments, bone 
fragments, and egg shell. 

Block 20 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The 
laundry room has an exposed grease trap with a 
wood cover. There is a rock entry on the east 
side of the ironing room. Concrete footing 
blocks remain at Barracks 2 (n = 2), 6 (n = 4), 7 
(n=l), 12 (n=l), 13 (n=l), and 14 (n = 2), and 
the community building (n = 1) . Other features 
include a manhole and seven upright water 
faucet pipes. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features include a 
concrete sidewalk and stoop at the south end of 
Barracks 2 (Feature 20-6), rock alignments, posts, 
edging boards, vegetation, and a concrete stoop 
at the north end of Barracks 6 (Feature 20-2), a 
rock alignment and rock walkway at the south 
end of Barracks 9 (Feature 20-5). More concrete 
stoops are located on the west side of Barracks 5, 
the east side of Barracks 6, and the west side of 
Barracks 14. At Barracks 10 there are rock 
alignments at the south and north ends and two 



276 




Figure 9.86. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 19 (north to right). 



standing posts with a cross-piece at the northwest 
corner (Feature 20-4). Other rock alignments are 
at Barracks 1, between Barracks 1 and 2, at 
Barracks 4 (Feature 20-1), west of Barracks 5, 
west of Barracks 7, northwest of Barracks 8, the 
south end of Barracks 13 (Feature 20-3), and at 
the northwest corner of Barracks 14. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 



over 525 window glass fragments, over 360 bottle 
glass fragments (mostly clear with some green, 
purple, yellow, and white), 14 ceramic fragments, 
10 electrical porcelain knobs, an electrical 
porcelain light fixture, over 500 wire nails, a 
measuring cup for mixing baby formula 
(embossed with "S-M-A always pack tightly in 
cup"), a pocket tobacco can, a spoon, a porcelain 
button, a 1925 nickel, eight fragments of 



277 



concrete pipe, and lumber fragments. 

Block 21 

Relocation center blueprints indicate that 
Barracks 14 was used as a department store. 
Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The 
laundry room has an exposed grease trap. 
Concrete footing blocks remain at Barracks 6 
(n=2), 7 (n=6), 9 (n=2), 10 (n=l), and 11 (n=l), 
and at the mess hall (n=3). Other remains 
include a manhole and three upright water faucet 
pipes. One water faucet, at the southwest corner 
of Barracks 10, has a concrete and rock overflow 
basin, wall, and slab (Feature 21-3); another 
faucet has a broken concrete and rock overflow 
basin. Three sets of water pipes (Feature 21-8) are 
exposed in a gully north and east of the ironing 
room. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features include a 
concrete stoop at the south end of Barracks 2 
(Feature 21-6), rock alignments between Barracks 

3 and 4 and at the northwest corner of Barracks 

4 (Feature 21-5), a concrete curb and rock 
alignments between Barracks 5 and 6 and rock 
alignments at the south end of Barracks 6 
(Feature 21-7), a concrete sidewalk and an asphalt 
sidewalk between Barracks 8 and 9 (Feature 
21-1), a concrete sidewalk and rock alignments 
along the east side of Barracks 10 (Feature 21-2), 
and rock alignments and wood edging between 
Barracks 10 and 11 (Feature 21-4). 

Other landscaping features recorded include a 
concrete stoop and rock alignment at the south 
end of Barracks 1, rocks along the east side of 
Barracks 2, rock concentrations at the north and 
south ends of Barracks 7, rock alignments at the 
south end of Barracks 12, a concrete curb and 
rocks north of Barracks 13, and a rock alignment 
north of the mess hall. There is a low mound 
with some displaced concrete slabs at the 
northwest corner of Barracks 5. 



Artifacts 

Non-structural artifacts were counted and 
representative samples collected (see Chapter 8). 
Structural artifacts, such as window glass, 
lumber, and pipe fragments, were noted and 
numbers estimated during survey. The results are 
summarized in Table 9.6. The densest 
concentration and greatest variety of artifacts was 
encountered in the southeastern portion of the 
block. 

Structural artifacts include over 200 window glass 
fragments, four electrical porcelain fragments, 30 
miscellaneous hardware parts (hinges, screws, 
smooth wire, water pipe), about 500 wire nails, 
a stove pipe section, 120 lumber fragments, 
wallboard bits, salt-glazed and clay sewer pipe 
fragments, and five brick fragments. 

Beverage storage is represented by a church-key- 
opened can, four crown caps, 83 brown glass 
fragments (from at least nine different bottles), 
70 green glass fragments (from at least nine 
bottles), and nine "Coke" bottle fragments (from 
at least four bottles). Besides "Coke," other soda 
bottles identified include eight "LaVida," one 
"Seven-Up," one "Antelope," and one "Mission 
Dry." One of the "Coke" bottle fragments has 
"SAFFORD ARIZ" on the base and the Owens 
Illinois Bottle Company hallmark and the date 
code "42" on its side. The "Seven-Up" bottle base 
has "SEVEN UP BOTTLING CO. LOS ANGELES," the 
Owens Illinois Bottle Company hallmark and 
the date code "3." Three other bottles have the 
Owens Illinois Bottle Company hallmark and 
date codes of "1" and "8." 

Food storage artifacts include 48 sanitary seal 
cans, two condensed milk cans, four can lids, 
four jar lids, an aqua glass canning jar lip, 244 
clear glass fragments (from at least 34 different 
bottles), two aqua canning jar fragments, and 
three purple glass fragments. The condensed milk 
cans are of a size (3 H / 16 inches by 2% inches) 
commonly made between 1935 and 1945 
(Simonis n.d.). Embossed glass (all clear) includes 



278 



Table 9.6. 
Tabulation of Historical Artifacts 
Residential Block 21. 



in 



Object Classification 


to 
to 

o 


13 

u 

3 


u 

■3 

O 


u 

a 

u 

s 

*-* 

t/5 


Structural Materials 






154 


Window Glass 


200 






Hardware 




30 


1 


Nails 




500 




Utilities 






4 


V 

a 

o 
Q 


Beverage Storage 


162 


5 




Food Storage 


244 


59 




Food Preparation 




1 




Food Remains 






22 


Food Serving 


1 


3 


31 


Furnishings 


1 


2 


2 


Pharmaceutical 


6 






73 

a 
o 

to 

<u 


Clothing 




2 


3 


Jewelry 








Grooming and Hygiene 


1 


2 




Money 








♦J 

'> 

< 


Ammunition 








Leisure 






1 


Automobile 








Miscellaneous Tools 




11 




Toys 


2 


1 




Writing 






8 


Unclassified 




17 


8 



a gallon jug with the Glass Containers Inc. 
hallmark (1945 +), three bases with the Hazel- 
Atlas Glass Company hallmark (1920-1964), two 
bases with the Owens Illinois Bottle Company 
hallmark and the date code "3," and a "Ben-Hur 
Coffee" jar. 

The only artifact recorded dealing with food 
preparation was a blue-enameled coffee 
percolator lid. Food remains recorded consist of 
five abalone shell fragments and 17 peach pits. 

Artifacts associated with food serving include a 
glass dish fragment, a metal salt shaker top, an 
enameled metal plate, a metal fork, and 31 
ceramics. The ceramics include fragments of 
vitreous hotelware (one with a "TEPCO" base 
mark), fragments of a nonvitreous yellow-tinted 
glaze earthenware, a white-bodied plate fragment 
with a thistle decal, and fragments of a porcelain 
pitcher (with a "Made in Japan" basemark). 

Recorded furnishings include two enameled-steel 
stove tops, two terra cotta flower pot fragments, 
and the base of a brown "Purex" bottle. 

Pharmaceutical items include an oval-base 
prescription liquid medicine bottle fragment and 
five white glass fragments from at least two 
containers. 

Personal artifacts recorded include items 
associated with clothing or grooming and 
hygiene. Clothing is represented by three shell 
buttons, a brass snap, and a metal shoe heel tap. 
Artifacts associated with grooming and hygiene 
include an aluminum hair curler, a single-edge 
razor blade, and a "Jergens Lotion" bottle. 

Several specialized activities, including those 
associated with leisure, children's play, writing, 
and miscellaneous tasks, are represented by the 
artifacts found in this block. Leisure activities are 
represented by a "Go" gaming piece. Toys 
include two glass marbles and a jack. Items 



279 




Figure 9.87. Concrete bridge at Block 22 Pond (Feature 22-3). 



associated with writing include two eraser 
fragments and six slate chalkboard fragments. 
Miscellaneous tools include 10 miscellaneous 
machine parts and a safety pin. 

Unclassified artifacts include unidentified artifacts 
as well as artifacts with potentially multiple 
functions (such as wire) which hindered placing 
them in a particular category, and artifacts too 
fragmentary or altered to further classify. 
Unclassified items recorded include six rubber 
hose fragments, two other rubber fragments, two 
50-gallon metal drums, a 50-gallon drum lid, two 
barrel hoops, a metal strap, a smooth wire, a 
horseshoe, a hunk of melted lead, and nine other 
metal fragments. 

Block 22 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The 
laundry room has an exposed grease trap. 
Concrete footing blocks remain at Barracks 1 
(n = 2), 3 (n=l), 4 (n = 2), 5 (n = 7), 6 (n=l), 8 
(n=l),9(n=l), 10(n=l), 11 (n=6), 12(n=l), 13 
(n=3), and 14 (n=l), the community building 
(n=3), and the mess hall (n = 4). Other remains 



include two manholes, five upright water faucet 
pipes, and rock concentrations at the former 
locations of six other faucet pipes. Shallow 
depressions, possibly from infilled basements, are 
at Barracks 8 and 13. 

This block has one of the most elaborate 
residential block garden complexes at Manzanar. 
It has a concrete-lined pond, a concrete sidewalk, 
a bridge, a waterfall, an island, and rock 
alignments (Feature 22-3, Figures 9.87-9.89). 
Inscribed in the concrete top of the bridge is 
"AUG. 9, 42" and in the north end of the pond 
the date "8-7 1942" is formed with small stones 
imbedded in concrete. This was reportedly the 
first residential pond started at the relocation 
center (Embrey et al. 1986:29-32). It was started 
in July 1942 by Harry Ueno, who would later 
figure prominently in the Manzanar Riot (see 
Chapter 4). 

Remains of evacuee improvements were noted at 
all but one of the barracks. There are concrete 
stoops on the south side of the mess hall and on 
the west side of Barracks 14, a rock walkway at 
the south end of Barracks 1 (Feature 22-11), a 
concrete sidewalk, wooden borders, and a 



280 




Figure 9.88. Block 22 Pond and garden complex (Feature 22-3). 







Block 22, Feature 3 



^ 



* Rock 

1 j Concrete slob 

nKv>o' Concrete slob with flot 

^ laying rocks 

HEannzi Concrete edging 

~\ | /~~ Slope in pond wall 

Elevation in meters above 

pond bottom 

Depression 

Tree 

Tree stump 

Upright metal pipe 



18 

< y 

T 
® 




3 Meters 
10 Feet 



A Concrete and rock basin - 

start of water flow 

(elevation is 1.05 to 1.23m) 
B Overflow pipe - 

elevation at t op of pipe is 62cm 
C Concrete pad on top of rock 
D Inscription- AUG. 9,42 

E Disturbed concrete and upright 

post trough 
■» — Direction of waterflow 
° Upright wood post 

" Probable location of upright 

wood post 



Figure 9.89. Block 22 Pond and garden complex (Feature 22-3). 



281 



broken concrete stoop on the east side of 
Barracks 3 (Feature 22-10), a concrete stoop on 
the east side of Barracks 4, concrete slabs and a 
sidewalk between Barracks 5 and 6 (Feature 
22-4), concrete debris at Barracks 8, a rock stoop 
at the north end of Barracks 10, a concrete and 
rock-lined walkway and stoop on the east side of 
Barracks 11 (Feature 22-6), a broken concrete and 
rock stoop of the south side at Barracks 11, a 
plain concrete stoop and an incised and painted 
concrete stoop on the south side of Barracks 13 
(Feature 22-1), a concrete sidewalk and stoop on 
east side of Barracks 14 (Feature 22-2), and a 
concrete and rock stoop at the south end of 
Barracks 14. 

Rock alignments are present at the north and 
south ends of Barracks 2, northwest of and 
between Barracks 3 and 4 (Feature 22-5), on the 
south side of and between Barracks 5 and 6, 
around a tree southwest of Barracks 7, at the 
north end of Barracks 8 (Feature 22-9), between 
Barracks 8 and 9 (Feature 22-8), at the north end 
of Barracks 10 (Feature 22-7), along the east and 
north sides of Barracks 11, between Barracks 12 
and 13, and along the south side of Barracks 13. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include over 200 window glass fragments, 
over 420 bottle glass fragments (mostly clear 
with some brown, green, and blue), 10 ceramic 
fragments, over 650 wire nails, about 30 sanitary 
seal cans, crown caps, several glass marbles 
(including four from the pond), a jack, a toy 
whistle, three shell buttons, two plastic buttons, 
a 1939-S and a 1944-S penny, a plastic Utah sales 
tax token (3-mil), a wire baby bottle brush, a 
door latch, a screen door spring, hinges, a 
hacksaw blade, a shovel blade, hardware cloth, 
wire, cast iron fragments, salt-glazed, concrete, 
and metal pipe, over 100 lumber fragments, 
tarpaper, bone fragments, and unidentified shell. 

Block 22 encompasses the location of a known 
pre-relocation center farm (Lafon Farm, see 
Chapter 11). No features associated with that 
farm were identified, but some of the artifacts in 



this block are likely associated with it. 

Block 23 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The men's 
latrine is mostly buried and the ironing room is 
completely buried. Concrete footing blocks 
remain at Barracks 1 (n = 22), 2 (n = 8), 3 (n=4), 
4 (n=26), 5 (n=5), 6 (n = 5), 7 (n=l), 8 (n = 3), 9 
(n=l), 12 (n=4), 13 (n=6), and 14 (n = 2), the 
community building (n=l), and the mess hall 
(n=3). Other features include a manhole and 11 
upright water faucet pipes. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features include a 
concrete sidewalk on the east side of Barracks 6, 
a concrete stoop on the west side of Barracks 5, 
and rock alignments between Barracks 5 and 6 
(Feature 23-1), rock alignments on the east side 
of Barracks 14 (Feature 23-2), small boulders at 
the south end of Barracks 7, rock alignments on 
the west side of Barracks 7, rock alignments 
between Barracks 10 and 11, a possible concrete 
and rock entry on the west side of the mess hall, 
and a rock-lined walkway and a concrete curb at 
the southeast corner of the mess hall. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include 30 window glass fragments, 170 
bottle glass fragments (mostly clear with 30 
brown, 21 aqua, 6 green, 4 purple, 2 blue), 14 
white stoneware ceramic fragments, seven 
electrical porcelain fragments, a toilet fragment, 
80 wire nails, six cans, crown caps, two hinges, 
six metal pipe sections, wire, a rope fragment, a 
glass marble, a plastic button, a plastic cap, 35 
plastic fragments, 15 lumber fragments, two 
brick fragments, bone fragments, and abalone 
shell fragments. 

Block 24 

Relocation center blueprints indicate that the 
community building was used as a music hall. 
The music hall location has been greatly 
disturbed by roads and gully erosion. Concrete 
foundations present include slabs for the men's 



282 



latrine, the women's latrine, the laundry room, 
and the ironing room. The laundry room, with 
an exposed grease trap, has been deeply undercut 
by a gully, exposing water and sewer pipes under 
the slab (Feature 24-2). The ironing room has 
been partially undercut by the gully. Concrete 
footing blocks remain at Barracks 2 (n=l), 4 
(n = 3), 6 (n = 3), 7 (n=l), 8 (n=5), 9 (n=20), 10 
(n = 3), 11 (n=3), 12 (n=l), and 14 (n=10), and 
the mess hall (n = 1) . Other features include a 
manhole and nine upright water faucet pipes 
(three with concrete overflow basins and five 
with associated rock features). The Block 
Managers Daily Reports for this block indicate 
that the mess hall had an elaborate rock- and 
cement-lined cellar. However, no indication of 
the mess hall cellar was found during survey, it 
probably remains buried. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features include a 
small concrete-lined pond with a concrete and 
rock channel leading away from it at the 
southwest corner of the mess hall (Feature 24-1). 
The mess hall location is also marked by two 
concrete stoops at the southeast corner, and 
stoops, a walkway, and rock alignments at the 
north end (Feature 24-3), as well as a concrete 
stoop on the west side. There is also a small 
concrete-lined pond, concrete slabs, a walkway, 
and rock alignments between Barracks 5 and 6 
(Feature 24-4), and broken slabs from an entry at 
the south end of Barracks 5. A small concrete- 
lined pond, a cobblestone and concrete stoop, 
concrete curbs, and rock alignments are situated 
between Barracks 8 and 9 (Feature 24-5), a rock 
alignment on the east side of Barracks 10, and 
rock alignments north of Barracks 14. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
over 700 window glass fragments, 160 bottle and 
other glass fragments (mostly clear with brown 
and green), nine white stoneware ceramic 
fragments, an electrical porcelain knob, over 330 
wire nails, 18 cans, five water pipe sections, wire, 
two hinges, a buckle, a safety pin, a marble, a 
door hook, a gold-colored costume jewelry ring 
with the stone missing, three plastic pieces, 



tarpaper, and 11 lumber fragments. 

Block 25 

Blueprints indicate that the community building 
was used as a Catholic Church (see Figure 5.6). 
For some reason the central buildings of this 
block (and adjacent Block 26) are in a different 
order than at other blocks; from east to west 
they are the ironing room, men's latrine, 
women's latrine, and laundry room. All of the 
concrete slabs of these buildings are buried under 
a thin layer of sand. Concrete footing blocks 
remain at Barracks 1 (n = 4), 2 (n=l), 5 (n=2), 7 
(n=l), 8 (n=17), 9 (n = 5), 10 (n = 3), 11 (n=3), 12 
(n=5), 13 (n=5), and 14 (n=7), the Catholic 
Church (n=5), and the mess hall (n=4). Other 
features include two destroyed manholes, 12 
upright water faucet pipes, and possible basement 
depressions at Barracks 10 and 12. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features consist of 
rock alignments between Barracks 8 and 9 
(Feature 25-1), rock alignments and a rock and 
asphalt stoop on the south end of Barracks 12 
(Feature 25-2), rock alignments at the north end 
of Barracks 6 (Feature 25-3), rock alignments and 
a rock entryway on the south side of Barracks 7, 
and a rock-lined concrete stoop on the west side 
of Barracks 7 (Feature 25-4). There are broken 
concrete and asphalt on the west side of Barracks 
9, wooden edging between Barracks 10 and 11, a 
lumber border on the west side of Barracks 12, 
a concrete stoop on the east side of Barracks 14, 
a possible rock stoop on the west side of 
Barracks 14, and a broken concrete stoop on the 
south side of the mess hall. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include 50 window glass fragments, 
hundreds of bottle glass fragments (500+ clear, 
20 aqua, 5 white, 15 green, 11 blue), 35 ceramic 
fragments (stoneware, transfer print, peach-glazed 
yellowware, whiteware), two electrical porcelain 
knobs, an electrical porcelain light fixture, 
thousands of wire nails, 30 sanitary seal cans, can 
and jar lids, a spear-type can opener, hinges, a 
door hook, wire, a rake, a padlock key, a 



283 






«\ 








Figure 9.90. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 26 (north to right). 



hairpin, two buttons, a piece of rubber, brown 
and red brick fragments, 75 lumber fragments, 
and a few fragments of unidentified shell. 

Block 26 

The concrete foundations of the ironing room, 
men's latrine, women's latrine, and laundry 
room are present and the laundry room has an 
exposed grease trap with a wood cover. These 



foundations are in the same atypical placement as 
in Block 25 (Figure 9.90). Concrete footing 
blocks remain at Barracks 2 (n = 2), 3 (n = 2), 4 
(n=7), 5 (n = 3), 6 (n = 3), 7 (n = 4), 8 (n = 5), 12 
(n = 2), and 13 (n=2), the community building 
(n=2), and the mess hall (n=2). Upright water 
faucet pipes remain at 11 building locations 
(three have associated rocks and one has a 
concrete overflow channel) and rocks are present 



284 



at the former location of another water faucet. 
Block Managers Daily Reports (1943-1945) 
suggest there were at least two basements in this 
block, although no indication of these basements 
were found during survey. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features include a 
rock and concrete stoop and rock alignments at 
the south end of Barracks 1 (Feature 26-1), a 
concrete-lined pond and rock alignments between 
Barracks 13 and 14 and a sidewalk and rock 
stoop on east side of Barracks 14 (Feature 26-2), 
rock alignments on east, south, and west sides of 
Barracks 4 and a concrete and a rock stoop on 
the west side of Barracks 4 (Feature 26-3), rock 
alignments and concrete sidewalks between 
Barracks 8 and 9 (Feature 26-4), a rock alignment 
west of Barracks 3, a rock alignment between the 
north end of Barracks 3 and 4, a rock and 
concrete stoop west of Barracks 10, a broken 
concrete stoop at the south end of Barracks 12, 
and a concrete stoop on the south side of the 
mess hall. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include 100 window glass fragments, 350 
bottle glass fragments (250+ clear, 45 brown, 20 
green [Seven-up], 2 white, 1 blue), 30 ceramic 
fragments (whiteware, stoneware, transfer print), 
toilet fragments, a brown-glazed insulator 
fragment, hundreds of wire nails, 10 sanitary seal 
cans, 40 hole-in-top cans, can and jar lids, crown 
caps, a water faucet handle, pipe sections, barbed 
and smooth wire, two shell buttons, a plastic 
button, a caster wheel, an ointment tube, small 
and large hinges, shoe heel taps, screen door 
springs, salt-glazed and clay pipe fragments, 100 
lumber fragments, 10 bricks, bone fragments, and 
unidentified shell. Several peach pits, likely from 
the pre-relocation center orchards, were also 
noted. 

Block 27 

Concrete foundations present include concrete 
slabs for the women's latrine, the laundry room, 
and the ironing room. The laundry room, with 
an exposed grease trap, is mostly buried. The 



foundation of the men's latrine could not be 
found. The area is covered by a thick layer of 
sand, but a small wash crosses the area where the 
slab should have been. It may lie deeper or may 
have been removed (a few chunks of concrete are 
in the area). Concrete footing blocks remain at 
Barracks 1 (n = 2), 2 (n = 2), 3 (n = 3), 4 (n=l), 7 
(n=l), 8 (n=l), 10 (n=5), 13 (n = 3), and 14 
(n = 5), and the mess hall (n = 2). Other features 
include two destroyed manholes and five upright 
water faucet pipes. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features consist of 
a rock stoop and 2 1 /$-ft-high wooden post at 
Barracks 3 (Feature 27-1), rock alignments on the 
south end and east side of Barracks 13 (Feature 
27-3), a rock stoop on the west side of Barracks 
1, a rock and concrete stoop on the east side of 
Barracks 2, and rock alignments on the south 
end of Barracks 8. There is a fence of 1-ft-high 
wooden posts 2 ft apart, loosely connected by 
thin metal wire, at the south end of Barracks 6 
(Feature 27-2). 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
25 window glass fragments, 165 bottle glass 
fragments (100 clear, 50+ brown, 8 green, 2 
white, 1 blue, 1 aqua), glass insulator fragments, 
six ceramic fragments (5 stoneware, 1 whiteware), 
175 wire nails, 20 sanitary seal cans, jar lids, 
crown caps, a plastic lid, a tire iron, a 12-inch 
length of rebar, wire, chicken wire, a shell 
button, 40 lumber fragments, and two brick 
fragments. Most artifacts observed were limited 
to the eastern half of the block; the western half 
is covered by sand, limiting visibility. 

Block 28 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The men's 
latrine and the ironing room are mostly buried 
by a thin layer of sand and the other slabs are 
partially buried. Concrete footing blocks remain 
at Barracks 3 (n=3), 4 (n = 6), 5 (n = 4), 7 (n=l), 
8 (n=8), 9 (n=l), 10 (n = 2), and 14 (n=4), the 
community building (n=l), and the mess hall 



285 



(n=3). Upright water faucet pipes remain at 12 
building locations (two have associated rocks and 
one has a concrete basin). The 11/30/42 Block 
Managers Daily Report for this block includes a 
request for cement to help alleviate flooding of 
the mess hall cellar, yet no indication of this 
cellar was found during survey. A section of 
exposed concrete pipeline in the vicinity of 
Barracks 4 that pre-dates the relocation center 
was recorded as part of site MANZ 1993 A-5. 

Remains of evacuee-constructed landscape 
features include a rock stoop on the west side of 
Barracks 10 (Feature 28-1), rock alignments 
southeast of Barracks 5, scattered rocks (possibly 
disturbed alignments) north of Barracks 2 and 
south of Barracks 3, rocks set in concrete 
northeast of Barracks 13, and broken concrete 
west of the mess hall (possibly from an entry). 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
approximately 225 bottle glass fragments (about 
150 clear, 35 green, 30 brown, 7 blue, 3 white, 1 
aqua), 10 mirror fragments, two white stoneware 
ceramic fragments, an electrical porcelain knob, 
50 wire nails, four cans, two can lids, crown 
caps, a wire clothes hanger, a lV^-ft-square metal 
frame, wire, a shell button, linoleum pieces, 
window screen, 10 lumber fragments, and brick 
fragments. Most of the bottle glass is on top of 
concrete slabs and is likely recent. 

Block 29 

The eastern third of this block incorporates a 
firebreak with about 15 live pear trees and 
numerous stumps (Feature 29-9). These remnant 
pre-relocation center trees were probably cared 
for by the evacuees. 

In the residential portion of the block concrete 
foundations present include slabs for the men's 
latrine, the women's latrine, the laundry room, 
and the ironing room. Concrete footing blocks 
remain at Barracks 1 (n=6), 3 (n=5), 4 (n=2), 5 
(n=8), 6 (n=7), 7 (n = 5), 8 (n=6), 9 (n = 3), 10 
(n=2), 11 (n=l), 12 (n=2), 13 (n = 2), and 14 
(n=2), and the mess hall (n=2). Other features 



include one intact and one destroyed manhole 
and nine upright water faucet pipes (five with 
concrete improvements). 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features include a 
concrete sidewalk north of Barracks 2 (Feature 
29-4), a concrete sidewalk, wood posts, and rock 
alignments at the south end of Barracks 8 
(Feature 29-3), concrete sidewalks, rock 
alignments, vegetation at the south end of 
Barracks 10 (Feature 29-1), a standing wood 
clothesline post west of Barracks 11 (Feature 
29-2), a rock walkway and rock alignment south 
of Barracks 14 (Feature 29-5), a rock alignment at 
the south end of Barracks 7 (Feature 29-6), 
broken concrete and a section of concrete 
sidewalk south of Barracks 9, and a rock stoop 
on the east side of the mess hall. Rock 
alignments border the road in the northwest and 
southwest corners of the block (Feature 29-7 and 
29-8). 

Two artifact concentrations were noted in the 
firebreak portion of the block during survey. 
Feature 29-10 consists of 136 bottle glass 
fragments (100 clear, 25 brown, 5 green, 5 white, 
1 blue), other glass fragments, six ceramic 
fragments, two jar lids, phonograph record 
fragments, a part of a belt buckle, a snap, and 15 
wire nails. Some of the glass is melted. Feature 
29-11 consists of 115 bottle glass fragments (65 
clear, 35 brown, 8 green, 8 white), three ceramic 
fragments, and 15 miscellaneous metal fragments. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted in other 
areas of the block during survey include 25 
window glass fragments, 200 bottle glass 
fragments (mostly clear with 35 brown, 10 green, 
3 blue, and 2 white), 20 ceramic fragments 
(whiteware, stoneware, transfer print, terra 
cotta), 175 wire nails, 30 sanitary seal cans, 
crown caps, can lids, a pail, a metal drawer 
handle, stove pipe, 35 lumber fragments, 10 brick 
fragments, and unidentified shell fragments. 

Block 30 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 



286 



the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The 
ironing room slab is buried by a thin layer of 
dirt. Concrete footing blocks remain at Barracks 
1 (n = 6), 2 (n = 4), 3 (n=l), 4 (n=5), 5 (n=l), 7 
(n=l), 8 (n=l), 9 (n = 3), 10 (n=l), 11 (n=4), 12 
(n= 1), and 13 (n = 2). Upright water faucet pipes 
remain at 11 building locations (five have 
associated rocks and one is enclosed by boards). 
Possible basements are indicated by depressions 
at Barracks 3, 5, and 6. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features consist of 
a possible rock stoop on the east side of Barracks 
1 (Feature 30-1), a rock alignment west of 
Barracks 13 (Feature 30-2), concrete and rocks at 
the northeast corner of Barracks 2, rocks at the 
southeast corner and a possible walkway on the 
west side of Barracks 8, and a possible asphalt 
entry on the south side of Barracks 7 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
over 25 window glass fragments, over 270 bottle 
glass fragments (mostly clear, 1 purple), at least 
17 white stoneware ceramic fragments, about 420 
wire nails, metal washer, eight cans, crown caps, 
a butter knife, a bobby pin, a glass marble, a 
shoe heel tap, two shoe soles, cloth fragments, 
two shell buttons, a plastic button, a light bulb 
base, barbed wire, salt-glazed and clay sewer pipe 
fragments, and around 20 lumber fragments. 

Block 31 

Building remains present include concrete slab 
foundations buried by sand for the men's latrine, 
the women's latrine, the laundry room, and the 
ironing room. Concrete footing blocks remain at 
Barracks 1 (n = 3), 2 (n=l), 3 (n = 3), 4 (n=l), 6 
(n = 2), 8 (n=l), 9 (n = 2), 11 (n=l), 12 (n=l), 12 
(n= 1), 13 (n= 1), and 14 (n= 1), and the mess hall 
(n=3). Nine upright water faucet pipes (two with 
concrete work and two with associated rocks) 
and depressions from possible basements at 
Barracks 3, 4, and 12 were noted. 



Barracks 1, a rock alignment on the south end of 
Barracks 3, a concrete sidewalk, a stone-lined 
entryway, and rock alignments between Barracks 
3 and 4 (Feature 31-7), two concrete stoops on 
the east side of Barracks 4 (Feature 31-8), a small 
circular rock alignment (garden) between 
Barracks 4 and 5 (Feature 31-1), rocks at the 
southeast corner of Barracks 5, a two-course high 
rock wall segment on the west side of Barracks 
6 (Feature 31-2), rock alignments at the south 
end of Barracks 7, remains of concrete stoops 
and rock alignments between Barracks 8 and 9, 
rock alignments north of Barracks 9, rock 
alignments on the east side of Barracks 1 1, a rock 
alignment between Barracks 11 and 12, concrete 
slab fragments, connected concrete blocks, and 
rock alignments between Barracks 12 and 13 
(Feature 31-6), a concrete stoop and rock 
alignments on the north end of Barracks 14 
(Feature 31-3), a rock-lined concrete walkway 
and stoop on the north, south, and east sides of 
Barracks 14 (Feature 31-4), rock alignments, a 
stoop, and dead trees at south end of Barracks 14 
(Feature 31-5), and rock alignments (possibly 
from entries) at the southeast corner of the mess 
hall. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include thousands of window glass 
fragments, over 630 bottle glass fragments 
(mostly clear, with green, aqua, white, brown, 
red, and purple), over 80 white ceramic 
fragments (including 28 broken plates, cups, and 
bowls northwest of the mess hall), five electrical 
porcelain fragments, hundreds of wire nails, over 
35 sanitary seal cans, three condensed milk cans, 
two pocket tobacco cans, crown caps, a coping 
saw blade, a tree saw blade, a hinge, a comb, a 
bobby pin, a plastic button, a glass marble, an 
eye dropper, a hose fragment, wire, iron pipe 
fragments, a light bulb base, and bone fragments. 
In the northwest portion of the block, west of 
the mess hall, there is a scatter of small coal 
fragments. 



Evacuee-constructed landscape features include 
rocks from a possible stoop on the west side of 



The northwest portion of Block 31 encompasses 
the location of a known pre-relocation center 



287 



home (Cornelius/Comelins House, see Chapter 
11). No features associated with that structure 
were identified, but some of the artifacts in this 
block (such as purple glass fragments) may be 
associated with it. 

Block 32 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The 
laundry room foundation is covered by dirt, but 
has an apparent grease trap. Concrete footing 
blocks remain at Barracks 1 (n=12), 2 (n=18), 3 
(n=17), 5 (n = 3), 6 (5), 7 (n=l), 8 (n=2), 9 
(n=5), 10 (n=l), and 11 (n=2), the community 
building (n = 4), and the mess hall (n = 2). Other 
remains include a manhole and 11 upright water 
faucet pipes, four with associated rocks and one 
with a concrete basin and slab (Feature 32-3, 
located at southwest corner of Barracks 8). 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features consist of 
rock alignments on the west and south sides of 
Barracks 3 (Feature 32-1), the south side of 
Barracks 4, the north end of Barracks 5, on the 
south side of Barracks 6 and the east side of 
Barracks 7 (Feature 32-2), at the south end of 
Barracks 8 (Feature 32-4), and the south end of 
Barracks 11. In addition, there are rock circles 
around trees and a pathway between Barracks 13 
and 14, rock alignments east of Barracks 13 
(Feature 32-5), and stoops on the south and 
north sides of Barracks 9. 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include 100 window glass fragments, 130 
bottle glass fragments, five ceramic fragments 
(stoneware and whiteware), 15 wire nails, five 
sanitary seal cans, a pocket tobacco can, can and 
jar lids, cable, stove pipe, a bracket, a hinge, a 
crown cap, barbed wire, a toy shovel blade, two 
glass marbles, a red plastic disk bead, a plastic 
button, a plastic cap, cloth, clay pipe fragments, 
wire, 33 lumber fragments, and a few bone 
fragments. Peach pits, likely from the p re- 
relocation center orchards, were also noted. 



Block 32 encompasses the general location of a 
known pre-relocation center farm (A.L. Meyers 
Farm, see Chapter 11). No features associated 
with that farm were identified, but some of the 
artifacts in this block (such as a collected 1910s- 
1920s ceramic) may be associated with it. 

Block 33 

This block is heavily wooded with historical and 
recent vegetation, including fruit trees. This 
block had no community building; there is now 
a depression where a community building was 
usually located. Concrete foundations present 
include slabs for the men's latrine (partially 
buried by a thin layer of sand), the women's 
latrine (buried), the laundry room (mostly 
buried), and the ironing room. Concrete footing 
blocks remain at Barracks 1 (n=l), 2 (n=l), 3 
(=1), 4 (n=l), 6 (n=l), 7 (n=13), 8 (n=l), 9 
(n=l), 10 (n = 4), 12 (n=4), and 14 (n=l), and 
the mess hall (n = 3). Upright water faucet pipes 
(five with associated rocks) remain at 13 building 
locations. 

Evacuee-constructed landscape features consist of 
rock alignments, a concrete sidewalk, and a rock 
and cobble stoop at Barracks 1 and 2 (Feature 
33-1), rock alignments between Barracks 3 and 4 
(Feature 33-2), rock alignments and cemented 
cobbles at the north end of Barracks 10 (Feature 
33-3) and the north end of Barracks 12 (Feature 
33-4), and a concrete stoop and rock alignments 
on the north end of Barracks 9 (Feature 33-6). 
Also noted were rock stoops on the east side of 
Barracks 6, a cobblestone stoop and a concrete 
stoop on the west side of Barracks 7, a wood 
post wired to a tree and rocks at the south end 
of Barracks 8, and a stoop on the east side of the 
mess hall. There is a fence of wood posts and 
four-strand barbed wire along the road north of 
Barracks 10 and 11 (Feature 33-5). 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
over 200 window glass fragments, about 835 
bottle glass fragments (mostly clear), five white 
stoneware ceramic fragments, an electrical 
porcelain knobs, over 50 wire nails, over 50 cans, 



288 




Figure 9.91. Rock monument at Merritt Park (Feature 34-1). 




Figure 9.92. Retaining wall at teahouse location (Feature 34-2). 



an oil drum and lid, metal pipe, a wood disk, a 
"Go" game piece, three glass marbles, barbed 
wire, chicken wire, 20 lumber fragments, and 
part of a tractor blade. 

Block 34 

The eastern one-third of the block was used as a 



lavishly landscaped park, variously named Rose, 
Pleasure, and Merritt (see Figure 5.10). This area 
has been heavily disturbed with most landscaping 
elements removed. At the southwest and 
southeast corners of the park at the road there a 
large elongated boulder was cemented upright on 
a low flat boulder (Feature 34-1 and 34-6, Figure 



289 
















Figure 9.93. Block 34 faucet. 






■ 



Figure 9.94. Detail of Block 34 garden complex (Feature 34-4). 



9.91). A home movie taken during the relocation 
center occupation shows the name of the park 
painted on one of these boulders (Eastern 
California Museum). Scattered rocks at both 
locations are probably the remains of associated 
rock alignments. 



Remains at a former teahouse location (ramada) 
in the southwest portion of the park consist of 
a raised rectangular area enclosed by a rock 
border (Feature 34-2, Figure 9.92). To the north 
there are scattered rocks (possibly disturbed 
alignments) and a large depression (possible 
pond). Further to the north there is another 



290 




Figure 9.95. Block 35 pond and bridge (Feature 35-1). 



smaller depression and a small area of concrete 
and rock work (Feature 34-3). Apparently mostly 
buried, the feature may have been a concrete- 
lined pond or possibly the remains of a "Dutch 
oven" shown in this general area on relocation 
center blueprints. Between this feature and the 
teahouse location there are the remains of a large 
rock garden and possible fountain (Feature 34-9). 
Northeast of the park there are rows of live and 
dead fruit trees (Feature 34-8) that were likely 
maintained by the evacuees. 

In the residential portion of the block, concrete 
slab foundations for the men's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room are buried 
by a thin layer of dirt and the women's latrine 
slab is partially buried. Concrete footing blocks 
remain at Barracks 1 (n = 2), 3 (n = 7), 4 (n = 8), 5 
(n~.ll), 6 (n = 5), 7 (n=l), 8 (n=4), 9 (n = 6), 12 



(n=3), 13 (n=7), and 14 (n = 2). Blocks appear to 
have been recently removed at Barracks 5 and 6. 
Upright water faucet pipes (two with associated 
rocks) remain at nine building locations. There 
are rocks at the former locations of two other 
faucet pipes and concrete work at another 
(Figure 9.93). 

Between Barracks 14 and the mess hall there is 
an elaborate garden complex with a rocky 
mound, concrete-lined pond, stream, bridge, rock 
alignments, and a collapsed barbed wire fence 
(Feature 34-4, Figure 9.94). The rocks used in the 
garden are metavolcanic rocks from the Inyo 
Mountains, rather than the more commonly used 
local granite boulders and cobbles. Numerous 
trees associated with this feature have been 
recently cut and removed for firewood. The 
Block Managers Daily Report (11/23/42) for this 



291 



block indicates that the pond and garden were 
started September 23, 1942, under the supervision 
of Mr. Kubota, Mr. Kayahara, and Mr. 
Murakomi. 

Other evacuee-constructed features include a 
concrete stoop with an inscription (May 8, 1942), 
a concrete curb, and a heavily fractured concrete 
sidewalk at Barracks 2 (Feature 34-5), a concrete 
stoop on the west side of Barracks 3, a concrete 
stoop on the north end of Barracks 5, scattered 
rocks and concrete along the west side of 
Barracks 8, two post and some rocks at the south 
end of Barracks 13, and a rock alignment along 
the edge of the road at the southwest corner of 
the block (Feature 34-7), 

Historical artifacts and ecofacts noted during 
survey include approximately 130 window glass 
fragments, 280 bottle glass fragments (175 clear, 
100 brown, 40 aqua, 17 white, 9 purple, 5 blue, 
3 green), 35 ceramic fragments (stoneware and 
whiteware), 20 wire nails, 20 cans, a crown cap, 
a perforated metal strip, a screw, a glass marble, 
a shell button, an overalls hook, a pan handle, 
rebar, wire, rubber pieces, a tire fragment, salt- 
glazed pipe fragments, wallboard bits, 25 lumber 
fragments, five bricks, bone fragments, abalone 
shell fragments, and peach pits. 

Block 35 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The 
laundry room has a grease trap and the ironing 
room slab is mostly buried by a thin layer of 
dirt. Concrete footing blocks remain at Barracks 
1 (n=l), 2 (n=3), 3 (n=l), 4 (n=l), 5 (n-4), 7 
(n=2), 8 (n=3), 11 (n=2), and 14 (n=l), the 
community building (n=l), and the mess hall 
(n = 6). Other features include a manhole and 
nine upright water faucet pipes (two with 
associated rocks). 

One of the more elaborate personal gardens is in 
this block on the west and north sides of 
Barracks 8. It consists of rock alignments, 



cobblestone and concrete stoops, two 3-ft high 
circular planters, and a small concrete bridge 
(Feature 35-1, Figure 9.95). Other evacuee- 
constructed landscape features consist of an 
upright slab and rock alignment at the northwest 
corner of the laundry room (Feature 35-2), 
several small boulders and rocks southwest of the 
ironing room, and rock concentrations (scattered 
alignments and stoops) at Barracks 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 
9, 10, 11, and 13, the community building, mess 
hall, and southeast of Barracks 13. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
over 150 window glass fragments, over 750 bottle 
glass fragments, over 50 ceramic fragments, 
electrical porcelain fragments, three electrical 
porcelain knobs, an electrical porcelain tube, 
over 950 wire nails, over 40 sanitary seal cans, 
two sardine cans, crown caps, a bedspring, a 
hinge, a latch (embossed with "Stanley SW Made 
in U.S.A."), stove pipe, a spring, metal pipe, 
wire, a spoon handle, a plastic button, 
two combs, a glass bead, two "Go" game pieces, 
a toy whistle, a pen quill (embossed with "1: 
Mark Fero... Chilled Steel Made ...A"), a fan 
belt, and lumber fragments. 

Block 36 

Concrete foundations present include slabs for 
the men's latrine, the women's latrine, the 
laundry room, and the ironing room. The men's 
latrine and ironing room slabs are partially 
buried by dirt. Concrete footing blocks remain 
at Barracks 1 (n = 3), 4 (n=l), 6 (n = 4), 7 (n=2), 
8 (n=4), 9 (n=l), 10 (n=l), 11 (n = 2), and 14 
(n = 8). Other remains include seven upright 
water faucet pipes (two with associated rock), 
rocks at the former locations of two other pipes, 
a basement depression at Barracks 9, and a 
manhole. 

This block includes two elaborate personal 
gardens. At the north end of Barracks 12 there is 
a concrete-lined pond, a possible rock and 
concrete fountain, and a rock-lined concrete 
bridge with the inscription "36-12" (Feature 
36-1). Northeast of Barracks 14 there is a small 



292 




Figure 9.96. Baseball field in 1944 (Ansel Adams 
photograph, Library of Congress). 



25 aqua, 14 purple, 12 green, 8 white, 5 blue, 
2 red), 30 ceramic fragments (stoneware, 
whiteware, crockery), 10 pieces of electrical 
porcelain, an electrical plug prong (embossed 
with "Arrow H&H U.S.A."), over 1,000 wire 
nails, eight sanitary seal cans, three pocket 
tobacco cans, seven can lids, six crown caps, 
nine pieces of wire, an automobile exhaust 
pipe, a glass marble, two shell buttons, a 
clothespin spring, a light bulb base, a metal 
wedge, plastic bits, stove pipe, slate 
fragments, 30 lumber fragments, five bricks, 
bone fragments, and abalone shell fragments. 




Figure 9.97. Location of baseball field in 1993 (A6 



garden with a live cholla and beavertail cactus 
and a dead barrel cactus (Feature 36-2). 

Other evacuee-constructed landscape features 
include a concrete sidewalk east of Barracks 4 
(Feature 36-3), rock alignments, a concrete stoop, 
and a concrete sidewalk at Barracks 9 and 10 
(Feature 36-4), and rock alignments and scattered 
rock (possibly from an entry) at the north end of 
Barracks 14. In addition there are rock 
concentrations (scattered alignments and stoops) 
at Barracks 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, and 
14, and at the mess hall, and concrete stoops at 
Barracks 1, 2, and 6. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
approximately 180 window glass fragments, 400 
bottle glass fragments (over 300 clear, 75 brown, 



Firebreaks 

Numerous blocks were left undeveloped, to 
serve as firebreaks. The term "firebreak" 
for these blocks persisted, even though 
many had auxiliary functions. For example, 
the auditorium, Children's Home, and 
Judo House (described above) were located 
in firebreaks. Firebreaks were also used for 
an outdoor theater, victory gardens, and 
athletic fields. Some of these improvements 
are depicted on official relocation center 
blueprints, and others are shown in period 
photographs (e.g., Adams 1945) and a 1944 
aerial photograph. 



Firebreak A6 

Two ball fields were in this block: a baseball 
field in the southwest corner appears in historical 
photographs (Figure 9.96) and relocation center 
blueprints show a Softball field in the northeast 
corner. Block Managers Daily Reports (1942- 
1945) indicate that the Recreation Department 
started construction of the baseball field in 
August 1943. Remains at the baseball field 
recorded during survey include lumber fragments 
and downed chicken wire, mostly buried by 
drifting sand, where the backstop used to be and 
a low earthen mound at the pitcher's mound 
(Feature A6-1, Figure 9.97). The Softball field 
also has wire fencing buried in sand where its 
backstop would have been (Feature A6-2). 



293 



In the north central portion of the firebreak 
there is an artifact scatter consisting of hundreds 
of wire nails, a sanitary seal can, a plate 
fragment, six white fragments, two brown glass 
fragments, three blue glass fragments, a clear glass 
fragment, an aqua glass fragment, and a piece of 
sheet metal (Feature A6-3). Other likely 
relocation center-era artifacts noted during survey 
include a few window glass fragments, two aqua 
glass fragments (insulator fragments), six white 
fragments, a white-glazed pipe fragment, a few 
wire nails, five sanitary seal cans, a spray paint 
can, chicken wire, and lumber fragments. 

Features and artifacts in the southeast portion of 
the firebreak that apparently pre-date the 
relocation center were recorded as site MANZ 
1993 A-19 (see Chapter 11). A vegetation 
windbreak and indications of a ditch along the 
southern edge of the firebreak also predates the 
relocation center. 

Firebreak A9 

Two features were noted in this firebreak. 
Feature A9-1 is a large depression in the 
southwest portion of the firebreak; the original 
identification of this feature is unclear. It is in 
the general location of the town of Manzanar 
school (ca. 1910-1930) and the depression may 
have resulted from the removal of its foundation 
during construction of the relocation center. 
Alternatively it may have been a borrow pit. 
Feature A9-2 is a wooden home plate from a 
baseball field (Figure 9.98). Relocation center 
blueprints do not show any playing fields in this 
firebreak, however, the Block Managers Daily 
Report for Block 30 indicates the block residents 
built a softball field in this firebreak in March 
1943. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
a few window glass fragments, a plate fragment, 
two sanitary seal cans, a crown cap, wire fencing, 
a metal fragment, a section of water pipe, a plate 
fragment, and two electrical porcelain knobs. 



Firebreak B3 

According to relocation center blueprints and 
historical photographs, this firebreak, located 
northwest of the high school and west of the 
auditorium, included three basketball courts, four 
tennis courts, and five volleyball courts. Remains 
associated with the basketball and volleyball 
courts were not identified. However, three of the 
four tennis courts left tangible remains. There is 
a simple rock alignment remaining at one 
(Feature B3-3), remnants of concrete and rock 
net supports and an area of discolored soil 
(possibly from a clay court) at another (Feature 
B3-5), and a partial concrete border 3 inches wide 
by V-h inches high at the third one (Feature 
B3-6). The concrete border has been heavily 
disturbed by a recent diversion ditch, but 
roughly measures 36 ft by 78 ft, the standard 
tennis court size. 

There is a rock alignment incorporating two 
trees (Feature B3-4) between the location of the 
tennis courts and the basketball and volleyball 
courts in the western portion of firebreak. Near 
the trees is a capped upright water pipe (Feature 
B3-2). Along the east edge of the firebreak there 
is a fire hydrant surrounded by a circle of rocks 
(Feature B3-7, Figure 9.99). Lettering on the 
hydrant indicates it was made by Pacific States of 
Provo, Utah. It is one of only two hydrants 
remaining at the relocation center. Other features 
in this firebreak include two rock circles and a 
rock alignment east of the tennis courts (Feature 
B3-8) and a low earthen mound in the northwest 
portion of the firebreak (Feature B3-1). 

Probable relocation center-era artifacts noted in 
this block include hundreds of clear, brown, 
aqua, and green glass fragments, several 1940s era 
bottle bases (Owens Illinois, Duraglass, and 
others), a few wire nails, a horseshoe nail, four 
sanitary seal cans, two crown caps, eight can lids, 
a metal drum, a piece of window blind hardware, 
and yellow firebrick fragments. Artifacts in the 
southwest portion of the block, most apparently 
associated with a pre-relocation center structure 
in that area, were recorded as a separate site 



294 




Figure 9.98. Wooden homeplate (Feature A9-2). 




Figure 9.99. Fire hydrant (Feature B3-7). 



(MANZ 1993 A-26, see Chapter 11). 

Firebreak B6 

Features and artifacts in the eastern portion of 
this firebreak, all apparently pre-dating the 
relocation center, were recorded as site MANZ 
1993 A-20 (see Chapter 11). Probable relocation 



center-era artifacts noted elsewhere in this 
firebreak include eight sanitary seal cans, a can 
lid, a jar lid, a pocket tobacco can, fragments of 
a "Barq's" soda bottle, a crown cap, an embossed 
glass fragment (clear), and a comb fragment. 
Numerous peach pits, likely from the pre- 
relocation center orchards, were also noted. 



295 



Prehistoric site MANZ 1994 A-l is in the 
northwest corner of the block (see Chapter 13). 

Firebreak B9 

No relocation center-era features were noted. A 
north-south alignment of tamarisk and a possible 
parallel road trace (both likely pre-relocation 
center features) are present in the west central 
portion of this firebreak. Likely relocation 
center-era artifacts noted in this block include 
four sanitary seal cans, a can lid, three purple 
glass fragments, two blue glass fragments, two 
clear glass fragments, fragments of a "Coke" 
bottle and a "Seven-Up" bottle, two whiteware 
fragments, and a glass marble. 

Firebreak CO 

Within this firebreak there are five irregular 
areas of asphalt paving that are also visible on 
1944 aerial photographs. Separate, small, and not 
integrated with any road or other feature these 
patches do not appear to have been 
systematically laid, and may have resulted from 
the cleaning of paving equipment. 

In the south central portion of the firebreak 
there is a dense concentration of charcoal 
(Feature CO-1). Likely relocation center-era 
artifacts noted in this block include over 275 
window glass fragments, over 85 bottle glass 
fragments (clear, brown, "Coke"), 20 ceramic 
fragments, over 65 wire nails, 13 sanitary seal 
cans, crown caps, wire, pipe, over five lumber 
fragments, and three salt-glazed sewer pipe 
fragments. 

Firebreak CI 

Two 2 inch by 4 inch posts were noted in this 
firebreak (Feature Cl-1): one is 2 ft high and the 
other is cut flush to the ground. Likely 
relocation center-era artifacts and ecofacts noted 
in this block include a small concentration of 
about 75 window glass fragments, a small 
concentration of about 50 bottle glass fragments, 
fragments of a "Seven-Up" bottle, two purple 
glass fragments, a few wire nails, a shoe heel tap, 
a hinge fragment, a 1945 penny, and bone 



fragments. 

Firebreak C2 

The only feature noted in this firebreak was a 
manhole without its cover. Likely relocation 
center-era artifacts noted include fragments of a 
"Coke" and a "Seven-Up" bottle, a clear glass jug 
fragment, a purple glass fragment, a whiteware 
plate fragment, an all-steel beer can, can 
fragments, two shell buttons, a screw, a brick, 
and bone fragments. A small unreadable wooden 
sign is at the northwest corner of the firebreak. 

Firebreak C3 

Feature C3-1, the only feature noted, consists of 
a slight depression and an adjacent lumber 
scatter. Likely relocation center-era artifacts 
noted in this block include a plate fragment, 
fragments of a "Seven-Up" bottle, a glass bowl 
fragment, two crown caps, a screw, water pipe, 
and a concentration of small lumber fragments 
and wire nails. 

Firebreak C4 

The only feature noted was a broken-up 
manhole without its cover. Likely relocation 
center-era artifacts noted in this block include a 
rectangular can, two crown caps, two electrical 
porcelain knobs, a hose fragment, a coffee maker 
part, three purple glass fragments, a clear soda 
bottle fragment ("Antelope" soda), an aqua glass 
fragment, smooth wire, a shoe heel tap, a section 
of water pipe, around six plate fragments, and a 
galvanized bucket. Numerous peach pits, 
probably from the pre-relocation center orchards 
rather than imported food, were noted. 

Firebreak C5 

One feature was recorded in this firebreak, a 
small concrete block with a wood footing and an 
upright section of pipe or conduit (Feature C5-1). 
It may be a footing associated with either a pre- 
relocation center structure or with the evacuee- 
built outdoor theater known to have been in this 
firebreak. Numerous artifacts in the southern 
half of the block, apparently predating the 
relocation center, were recorded as MANZ 1993 



296 



A-27 (see Chapter 11). Probable relocation 
center-era artifacts noted in this block include a 
small concentration of clear and brown glass and 
plate fragments (5 per square meter), a sanitary 
seal can, three purple glass fragments, a large 
lock nut, and numerous peach pits. 

Firebreak C6 

No relocation center-era features were noted. A 
vegetation windbreak and indications of a ditch 
along the southern edge of the firebreak 
apparently predate the relocation center. 
Historical artifacts noted in this block include 
five sanitary seal cans, a crown cap, fragments of 
at least two green glass bottles, an aqua glass 
fragment, a "Pond's" cold cream jar fragment, 
two purple glass fragments, bone fragments, 
unidentified shell fragments, and numerous peach 
pits. 

Firebreak C7 

No relocation center-era features were noted. 
Artifacts and ecofacts include a concentration of 
hundreds of wire nails (Feature C7-1), a metal 
and wood broom fragment, two sanitary seal 
cans, three plate fragments, a stove pipe section, 
a brick, lumber fragments, and numerous peach 
pits. 

Firebreak C8 

This firebreak includes three dead fruit trees 
(Feature C8-1) that were likely maintained by 
evacuees. A small rock pile of unknown function 
was noted in the southwest corner of the 
firebreak. Historical artifacts noted during survey 
include two sanitary seal cans, a can lid, a crown 
cap, a clear "Pyrex" vaccine/insulin bottle, 
fragments of a green glass bottle, a blue glass 
fragment, and a purple glass fragment. 

Firebreak C9 

Features in this firebreak include scattered rocks 
and an alignment of rocks in the shape of an 
arrow (Feature C9-3) and three artifact 
concentrations. Feature C9-1 consists of two 
plate fragments, a "BOYD" canning lid liner 
fragment, a clear glass fragment, a thick green 



glass fragment, smooth wire, and two can 
fragments. Feature C9-2 consists of two brown 
glass fragments, a pocket tobacco can, a green 
glass fragment, smooth wire, a clear glass 
fragment, and a few concrete pipe fragments. 
Feature C9-4 consists of coffee cup fragments, a 
plate fragment, a brown glass fragment, three 
sanitary seal cans, smooth wire, a hacksaw blade, 
a metal fragment, two tobacco cans, concrete 
chunks, and a piece of electrical line cable. Other 
historical artifacts noted during survey include 
nine sanitary seal cans, smooth wire, a blue glass 
fragment, an aqua glass insulator fragment, five 
purple glass fragments, two clear glass fragments, 
a green glass fragment, a plate fragment, two 
coffee cup fragments, two iron parts, and 
concrete fragments. 

Firebreak D3 

The eastern half of this firebreak has been 
heavily impacted by alluviation. Relocation 
center blueprints indicate two softball fields were 
in this block, however no remains associated 
with them were found. Feature D3-1 is a 
waterline access hole with a metal cover; 
lettering on the cover indicates it was made by 
Pacific States of Provo, Utah. Historical artifacts 
noted during survey include a few wire nails, a 
sanitary seal can, a "Coke" bottle base, crown 
caps, three purple glass fragments, a transfer 
print tea cup fragment, a button, a segment of 7- 
inch-diameter metal pipe, a 1937-S penny, and 
lumber fragments. 

Firebreak D6 

No relocation center-era features were noted. A 
vegetation windbreak and indications of a ditch 
along the southern edge of the firebreak are 
associated with a road that predates the 
relocation center. Three artifact scatters were 
noted during survey. Feature D6-1 consists of 
three sanitary seal cans, wire nails, a clay pipe 
fragment, a 4 inch by 4 inch and 1 inch by 6 
inch lumber framework (possibly the remains of 
a basketball backboard), and other lumber 
fragments. Feature D6-2 consists of thousands of 
wire nails, hundreds of clear glass fragments, five 



297 



hinges, screws, a sanitary seal can, and a screen 
door spring. Feature D6-3 consists of hundreds of 
glass, can, and plate fragments. Other historical 
artifacts and ecofacts noted include six sanitary 
seal cans, a hole-in-top can, can fragments, a 
small drum lid, a 6-ft-long 4-inch-diameter 
galvanized pipe, wire, about 50 wire nails, 
fragments of pressed glass, brown glass 
fragments, a beer bottle base, two purple glass 
fragments, an olive green glass fragment, a green 
soda bottle neck, a coffee cup fragment, a 
wooden keg lid, and a few peach pits. 

Firebreak E6 

No relocation center-era features were noted. 
Exposed sections of steel and concrete pipe at the 
western edge of the firebreak were recorded as 
part of site MANZ 1993 A-5. A vegetation 
windbreak and indications of a ditch along the 
southern edge of the firebreak also apparently 
predates the relocation center. 

Two artifact concentrations were noted in this 
firebreak. Feature E6-1 consists of 10 plate 
fragments, hundreds of glass fragments (clear, 
green, blue, white, pressed glass), and around 100 
can, wallboard, and lumber fragments. Feature 
E6-2 consists of 10 plate fragments, hundreds of 
glass fragments (1 purple), and about 25 can 
fragments. Other historical artifacts and ecofacts 
noted include a plate fragment, a glass marble, 
two purple glass fragments, a beer bottle neck, a 
leg-hold (coyote) trap, can fragments, and 
unidentified shell. 

Firebreak F3 

The 1944 aerial photograph indicates this 
firebreak was used for victory gardens. Features 
associated with the gardens include several 
earthen irrigation ditches with lumber remains 
(Features F3-6, F3-7, and F3-8, Figure 9.100), 
sections of steel pipe at apparent road crossings 
(Features F3-3, F3-4, and F3-5), and scattered 
rocks and an earthen mound possibly from 
landscaping (Feature F3-1). Under some large 
trees in the east-central portion of the block is a 
15-ft-square concrete slab (Feature F3-2). The slab 



may predate the relocation center; a relocation 
center blueprint (3/14/45) depicts a small 
unidentified structure in this block, but well 
west of Feature F3-2. 

Historical artifacts noted during survey include 
chicken wire, eight sanitary seal cans, a 
rectangular meat can, a screen door spring, steel 
pipe, clear bottle glass fragments, a toilet 
fragment, four purple glass fragments, salt-glazed 
sewer pipe fragments, and lumber fragments. 
Most of the non-structural artifacts in the eastern 
portion of the firebreak are likely associated with 
the Lee Campbell/Ed Shepherd House (see 
Chapter 11). 

Firebreak H3 

The 1944 aerial photograph indicate this 
firebreak was also used for victory gardens. 
Recorded features associated with the gardens 
include earthen irrigation ditches and lumber 
(Features H3-1, H3-3, H3-4, and H3-5) and an 
earthen irrigation ditch with a rock and concrete 
culvert (Feature H3-2). 

Two artifact concentrations were noted in this 
firebreak. Feature H3-6 consists of glass, wire 
nails, a plate fragment, and a "Ponds" cold cream 
jar. Some of the artifacts are melted or burned. 
Feature H3-7 includes glass, lumber, a hacksaw 
blade, a bottle base, and barbed wire. Other 
historical artifacts noted scattered throughout the 
firebreak include bottle glass, plate fragments, a 
tea cup fragment, stove pipe, two sanitary seal 
cans, square washer (power pole hardware), 
barbed wire, lumber fragments, and wire nails. 

Firebreak H6 

This firebreak includes rows of fruit trees 
(mostly dead and stumps) and traces of irrigation 
ditches (Feature H6-1). This remnant pre- 
relocation center orchard was likely maintained 
by the evacuees. Historical artifacts noted in this 
block during survey include four sanitary seal 
cans, a stove pipe section, a crown cap, a purple 
glass fragment, scattered glass, and concentrations 
of brick and concrete fragments. 



298 




Figure 9.100. 1992 aerial photograph of Block 11 (on left) and Firebreak F3 (on 
right; north to right). 



Perimeter 

Beyond the area of the blocks but still within or 
along the relocation center's fenced boundary 
were buildings at the relocation center entrance, 
eight watchtowers, three guardhouses, other 
structures, victory gardens, and orchards. Eighty- 
one archeological features were designated within 
or adjacent to this area. These include six 



features at the relocation center entrance, 
foundations of five watchtowers, remains of two 
other watchtowers, remains of two guardhouses, 
several sections of fence, ten other foundations, 
a well, five agricultural features, two orchards, 
three barbecue grills, a wooden barrel and 
asphalt feature, a windbreak, and 28 small 
artifact concentrations. 



299 



Relocation Center Entrance 

This area was mapped in detail (Figure 9.101). 
Two paved roads run east-west from Highway 
395 to the relocation center. Between these roads 
are two evacuee-constructed buildings, a sentry 
post (Feature P-40) and a police post (Feature P- 
41), and a low rock-encircled earthen mound. 
There are rock alignments along the outside 
edges of the roads and rock-outlined parking 
spaces along the north road between the sentry 
post and the police post. Nearest the highway, 
the low mound has wooden posts remaining 
from the relocation center entrance sign (Feature 
P-39, see Figure 5.1). 

The first building from the highway was the 
sentry post manned by the military police. It is 
a 13 ft by 14 ft one-room rock and concrete 
building (Feature P-40, Figures 9.102-9.105). 
Across the road north and south of the sentry 
post there are substantial rock and concrete stub 
walls (Feature P-38, Figures 9.106 and 9.107). 
The decorative concrete tree stumps that were on 
both sides of the sentry post have been removed, 
and are now located at a home in the town of 
Independence (see Chapter 10). 

Located west of the sentry post, the police post 
was manned by the evacuee police force. It is an 
8 ft by 10 ft one-room rock and concrete 
building (Feature P-41, Figures 9.108-9.111). The 
sentry post and police post both have pagoda- 
style wood shake roofs and simulated wood 
concrete lintels over the doors and windows. 

North of the police post, are the remains of the 
Police Station (Feature P-42). These include a 20 
ft by 100 ft concrete slab with rock alignments 
and trees on west side and a large area of buried 
asphalt on the east side. The southern portion 
has been impacted by a shallow water diversion 
ditch. To the east there are the remains of a 
rock-lined ditch (Feature P-37). 

Recently placed plaques at the entrance include 
a large boulder with a brass National Historic 
Landmark marker, a brass State of California 



Historic Site marker incorporated into the front 
of the sentry post (see Figure 9.104), and a free- 
standing Blue Star Memorial Highway marker. 

Watchtowers 

Relocation center blueprints indicate 
watchtowers (numbered 1-8) were present at the 
corners and the midsections of the fenced central 
portion of the relocation center. Remains of 
seven of these watchtowers were found. Nothing 
remains at Watchtower 1, in the northeast corner 
of the relocation center; the location is now 
within a graded road. Although Watchtowers 2 
and 3 were located within the same road, pulled 
footings were found alongside (Features P-73 and 
P-74). The roughly 2-ft-square concrete footings 
varied from 3 ft to 4 ft in total length. 

At the five remaining watchtower sites, 
foundations consist of four V-h ft by \Vi ft 
concrete footing blocks with steel straps 11 ft 
apart (Figures 9.112-9.114). Watchtower 4 
(Feature P-70) along the western perimeter lies 
between a graded road and a fenceline. 
Watchtower 5 (Feature P-63) at the southwest 
corner of the fenced area is adjacent to a dirt 
road and is crossed by a recent barbed wire 
fence. Watchtower 6 (Feature P-49) located along 
the southern perimeter has scattered rocks and a 
wood fence post nearby. Watchtower 7 (Feature 
P-47) located at the southeast corner of the 
fenced area (between the Staff Housing Block 
and the Military Police Compound) has an 
associated trash scatter of numerous glass and 
"Coke" bottle fragments covering an area of 
about 40 ft by 80 ft. Watchtower 8 (Feature 
P-29) is located along the eastern perimeter, west 
of Highway 395. 

Guard Houses 

Not much remains at the guard house locations, 
once located at roads to the fields and relocation 
center landfill. At Guard House 1, on the north 
perimeter, there is a small rock concentration 
(Feature P-8), and at Guard House 2, on the west 
perimeter, there are rocks and asphalt (Feature P- 
67). No remains of Guard House 3, on the south 



300 



H i g h w a y 




Sign : Blue Star Memorial Highway 



MANZ 1993 A -30 
Manzanar Relocation Center Entronce 



] Rock and concrete structure 
t I Concrete feature 
• Rock, unless otherwise noted 
Disploced rock(s) 
Bolt - Fea. P-42 
Wood post - Feo P-39 
— > — Fence 
T Tree 
s Tree stump 
f ~^j Asphalt 



: i 'V — Concrete pipe 

*■*=• , — Edge of asphalt undefined 



V 



Figure 9.101. Relocation Center entrance (Features P-37 through P-42). 

301 




Figure 9.102. Military Police Post (Feature P-40), south side. 




Figure 9.103. Military Police Post (Feature P-40), west side. 



302 




Figure 9.104. Military Police Post (Feature P-40), east side. 




Figure 9.105. Military Police Post (Feature P-40), north side. 



303 




Figure 9.106. Relocation center entrance in 1943 (WRA photograph, 
UCLA Special Collections). 




Figure 9.107. Relocation center entrance in 1993. 



304 




Figure 9.108. Internal Police Post (Feature P-41), south side. 




Figure 9.109. Internal Police Post (Feature P-41), west side. 



305 




Figure 9.110. Internal Police Post (Feature P-41), east side. 




Figure 9.111. Internal Police Post (Feature P-41), north side. 



306 



Concrete block 
with metal straps 



II Ft. 



A.5 Ft. 

I, L ,i 
r " n . 



I I 



T 

1.5 Ft. 



II Ft. 



Figure 9.112. Typical watchtower foundation. 




Figure 9.113. Overhead view of Watchtower 
foundation blocks (Feature P-29). 



edge of the relocation center, were found. Bairs 
Creek is deeply entrenched at this point and the 
surrounding area is covered by sand and gravel. 



Fences 

Portions of the existing barbed wire fences west, 
north, and possibly east of the central area 
appear to date to the relocation center (Figure 
9.115). These fence sections are either 4-inch by 



4-inch or 4-inch by 6-inch wooden posts (both 
nominal and actual), placed approximately 16 ft 
apart. These posts are distinguished from those 
in typical range fences in the area by their 
material, height (extending over 5 ft high), and 
patterns of nail holes. Nail holes indicate these 
posts originally held five wire strands at about 
12-inch intervals starting at 12 inches above the 
ground. The top and bottom strands have been 
removed. 



307 



\ I 








■ 






"***&/ _ ' ' 1^ 




ii ' < 




*r % 


C"'^ v ..». vV- ^ v 


^k ' ■ M '" . 




' : {\^ .,. ,t 





Figure 9.114. Watchtower 7 foundation blocks (Feature P-47). 



Feature P-77, located at the southwest corner of 
the central area between the Watchtower 5 
location and Bairs Creek, includes at least ten 
posts. Feature P-78, east of the cemetery, consists 
of 16 posts. Feature P-79, northeast of the 
cemetery, includes a section of seven posts and 
another post, farther north. Feature P-80, at the 
northwest corner of the central area, includes 
seven posts angling across the corner, possibly 
the original alignment. Feature P-81, north of the 
central area and west of cattle guard, includes 
two standing 4-inch by 6-inch posts (58 and 60 
inches high), and one downed 4-inch by 6-inch 
post. Outside of these designated features, the 
existing fence is constructed of metal stakes and 
an occasional log pole. 

Portions of the existing barbed wire fence east of 
the central portion of the relocation center may 
also be original: Features P-75 and P-76, along 
U.S. Highway 395, are constructed of square 
posts, augmented by small-diameter tree limb 
spacers. Wooden fence posts are common along 
the highway right-of-way in this area, but 
Features P-75 and P-76 are located along a 
slightly different alignment, a few yards west of 
the right-of-way. 

Although there is no fenceline along the 
southern boundary of the central area currently, 
wooden fence posts near the staff area and where 



the fence crossed Bairs Creek 
appear to have been part of the 
original fence. Feature P-48, 
along the southern boundary, 
includes eight standing and two 
fallen posts. The posts are 4 
inch by 6 inch lumber or log 
poles. Nail holes in these posts 
indicate five strands of wire at 
12-inch intervals starting at 
about 5 inches above the 
present ground surface. Feature 
P-49 includes a single post near 
the Watchtower 6 location; 
Feature P-51 consists of posts at 
the point where the fence 
would have crossed Bairs Creek. These are more 
substantial (6-inch by 8-inch lumber, split 
telephone poles, and log poles), 2 ft to 4 ft tall 
above the present ground surface, perhaps 
partially buried by recent alluvium. 

Remains of another fence that may date to use of 
the relocation center consist of wood fence posts 
along the west side of a road near the location of 
the Guard House 3 (Feature P-50). The road 
leads south from the relocation center to fields 
farmed by the evacuees. 

Foundations 

Most perimeter area foundations are in the 
southwest portion, where there was a garage 
area, lath house, and outdoor theater. Relocation 
center blueprints indicate four garages and three 
other buildings were in the garage area. Three of 
the garages are represented by structure pads and 
14-inch-square concrete footing blocks, and a 
concrete slab foundation remains from another 
building. No tangible evidence remains of the 
western-most garage (Garage 1) and two of the 
small buildings shown on the blueprints. 

Features P-53 and P-54 (Garages 2 and 3) both 
consist of a 20 ft by 100 ft structure pad 
indicated by a leveled area with 11 footing 
blocks along the east edge. Feature P-39 (Garage 
4) consists of a 20 ft by 100 ft structure pad 



308 



P-80 





P 



P-79 



P-78< 

04 



P-77 i 



P-81 



P-75< ' 



CENTRAL 

AREA 



AUDITORIUM 



D 



£.•*'* 



/ 



P-51 
P-50 



jO. 



A P-49(port) 



P-76 



MANZ 1993 A-30 
Fences 



1\ 



■* *■ Existing 

Removed 

P-50 Feature 



Figure 9.115. Fences at Manzanar National Historic Site. 



indicated by a leveled area with six footing 
blocks along the east edge. Feature P-56 consists 
of a mostly buried concrete slab of unknown 
size. 

There are no remains apparent at the Guayule 
Lath House location that was located in the 
perimeter southwest of Block 6. But nearby are 
several features likely associated with the lath 
house. These include a large rectangular area 
enclosed by tamarisk and barbed wire fence 
(Feature P-60), two shallow rectangular 
depressions possibly from gardens (Feature P-58), 
and an 11 ft by 11 ft concrete slab with an 
inscription (12.30.42). The slab has an attached 
irregular 2 ft 9 inch by 3 ft 4 inch sloping slab 



on the east side of unknown function and a 
mostly buried smaller slab further to the east, 
which may have served as a footing block 
(Feature P-61). Features P-57 and P-59 are 
concentrations of over 35 sanitary seal cans with 
punched bottoms. These were probably used for 
planting seedlings. 

West of the lath house location, Feature P-64 
consists of several depressions, concrete rubble, 
and a portion of concrete wall at the location of 
the first relocation center outdoor theater. The 
theater was reportedly only used a few times 
before it was dismantled due to its inconvenient 
location (see Chapter 4). No remains associated 
with the golf course and developed picnic area 



309 




Figure 9.116. Concrete perimeter foundation (Feature P-7). 



nscription 




Displaced 



Z_ 



© 



T 



Concrete wall 



o 
o 



-O 



O 

a. 



t 



MANZ 1993 A -30 



Feature P-7 



o 



2 Meters 



V 



6 Feet 

D Foundation block 

CD Displaced concrete and 
rock block 

Nail 

@ Tree stump 



Figure 9.117. Concrete perimeter foundation (Feature P-7). 



310 



on Bairs Creek were located. Two concentrations 
of concrete steps and other rubble along the edge 
of Bairs Creek are likely from dismantled 
buildings in the Administration and Staff 
Housing areas. 

In the northwest portion of the perimeter, 
Feature P-3 consists of a 1-inch-thick, 10 ft by 
10 ft fractured concrete slab on a 1-ft-high 
earthen mound. On relocation center blueprints 
this building is depicted as Building 48, but no 
function is identified. It may have been used as 
a storage room for nearby victory gardens. 

North of the relocation center residential area, 
on the west side of the road to the northern 
farm fields is Feature P-7. It consists of a 6 -inch- 
wide 12 ft by 20 ft concrete perimeter 
foundation (Figures 9.116 and 9.117) with an 
inscription (1944) and associated artifacts. There 
is a roughly 14-inch-square concrete footing 
block and a road trace to the east. The concrete 
has a surface texture similar to a slab at the 
relocation center chicken ranch (MANZ 1993 A- 
31). Artifacts noted include electrical conduit, 
sheet metal, water pipe, wire nails, and a white 
stoneware ceramic. This foundation is designated 
Building 49 on relocation center blueprints, but 
no function is identified. 

Feature P-9 is a 15 ft by 15 ft rough concrete 
slab, about 2 inches thick. The use of this feature 
is not clear. Its size and construction suggest it is 
likely associated with the relocation center. It is 
located north of Block 33 and west of a road 
used to access farm fields north of the relocation 
center. 

Feature P-10 is a capped well located north of 
Block 33 and east of a road used to access farm 
fields north of the relocation center. The well 
pipe is surrounded by a 8-ft-square concrete slab 
with iron reinforced corners. A 32-inch-wide 
skirting of concrete and rock was added, likely 
during the relocation center use. There are hand 
and finger prints and the initials "BK" in the 
concrete. An earthen ditch heads east from the 



well towards the former Shepherd Ranch 
location (see Chapter 11) and the relocation 
center North Park. The well, used by the 
relocation center as a backup water supply, was 
originally used by the town of Manzanar (ca. 
1910-1930) and possibly the Shepherd Ranch (ca. 
1880-1910). Three wells are shown in this area on 
1930s LADWP plat maps (numbers 167, 168 and 
169). The number 169 is painted on the concrete 
slab of the well. 

Agricultural Features and Orchards 

Visible within the perimeter on 1944 aerial 
photographs are three areas used for Victory 
Gardens. These include a large portion of the 
northern perimeter, a small area in the 
northeastern corner of the perimeter, and an area 
west of the Staff Housing Block. Remains 
associated with each of these areas were found. 
The staff victory garden was recorded as part of 
the Bairs Creek Irrigation System (MANZ 1993 
A-35) and is discussed under that heading below. 

Water was brought to the northern perimeter 
victory gardens from the relocation center 
reservoir (see Water Delivery System, MANZ 
1993 B-ll, below). * 

Four features associated with these gardens and 
the water delivery system were identified. North 
of the Victory Garden area, Feature P-2 consists 
of an earthen ditch, possibly for flood control, 
and a parallel alignment of wooden posts and 
downed wire fencing. Feature P-6 consists of 
terraced garden areas in the Victory Garden. 

Northwest of the Victory Garden area a wooden 
weir box (Feature P-4) and two earthen ditches 
(Feature P-5) divert the flow of a small drainage 
to an area north of the Victory Gardens. 

Northeast of Block 35, in the northeast corner of 
the central portion of the relocation center, there 
are several short sections of concrete-lined ditch 
(Feature P-21). A small Victory Garden is visible 
in this area on the 1944 aerial photograph (see 
Figure 9.2) 



311 




Figure 9.118. Barbecue grill in North Park (Feature P-14). 



Two remnant pre-relocation center orchards are 
within the perimeter. Both were likely 
maintained by evacuees. One, east of Block 13, 
consists of about 10 live and dead trees (Feature 
P-35), the other, west of Block 12, consists of 
numerous dead trees and stumps (Feature P-68). 

Miscellaneous Features 

Two barbecue grills are in the central portion of 
the northern perimeter in an area used by the 
evacuees as a park (North Park). One is a 7 ft 6 
inch by 5 ft 2 inch grill made of metasedi- 
mentary rock and concrete, the front is 3 ft 8 
inches high and the back is presently 5 ft 4 
inches high. Most of the chimney has been 
removed (Feature P-14, Figure 9.118). 
Inscriptions on the concrete top of the grill area 
include a name and a date (Ray Kobote, August 
1943). The other barbecue is a 4 ft by 6 ft 3 inch 
flat-top grill 33 inches high made of granite 
boulders and concrete (Feature P-15, Figure 
9.119). 

Another grill, of much less substantial 
construction, is in the southern perimeter. It 
consists of a crude, low U-shaped grill-like 
feature made of cement and concrete blocks 
(Feature P-52). Its relocation center ascription is 
based on the concrete blocks which are similar 



to ones used for a step at relocation center 
chicken ranch incinerator (see MANZ 1993 A- 
31). 

Located north of the relocation center entrance 
is an enigmatic feature. It consists of boulders, 
terraced areas, and eight wooden barrels 
imbedded in asphalt (Feature P-36, Figure 9.120). 
It may be associated with a fuel oil storage tank 
shown near here on relocation center blueprints. 

Feature P-71 is a windbreak of locust trees along 
the western edge of the relocation center area 
west of the hospital. Most of the trees are dead 
and many have been cut for fuelwood. 

The final perimeter feature consists of three 
imbedded sections of upright concrete pipe along 
the western perimeter (Feature P-69). These are 
apparently access holes for a waterline. 

Artifact Concentrations 

Only three of the 28 recorded artifact 
concentrations are at former garbage can rack 
locations, the others likely represent 
abandonment behavior. Two of the trash 
concentrations were tested (Features P-17 and 
P-18). Artifact concentrations pre-dating the 
relocation center and artifacts associated with 



312 




Figure 9.119. Barbecue grill in North Park (Feature P-15). 




Figure 9.120. Wooden barrels and asphalt near the relocation center 
entrance (Feature P-36). 



pre-relocation center features were recorded as 
separate sites (see Chapter 11). 

Feature P-l (50 ft by 150 ft in size) is located 
north of the Hospital block, between 9th Street 
and a parallel ditch (MANZ 1993 B-ll, Feature 
2) to the north. It contains hundreds of wire 
nails and corrugated fasteners, likely left from 
dismantled buildings. 



Feature P-ll (150 ft by 200 ft in size) is located 
north of Block 33 and west of a road used to 
access farm fields north of the relocation center. 
It includes hundreds of clear glass fragments, 
hundreds of window glass fragments, lumber 
scraps, a thick stoneware coffee cup fragment, a 
horseshoe, and concrete chunks. 



313 



Feature P-12 (100 ft by 100 ft in size) is located 
north of Block 33 and east of a road used to 
access farm fields north of the relocation center. 
It includes two metal 55-gallon drum halves, a 
cut iron tank, assorted lumber, pipe fittings, over 
12 concrete blocks, concrete chunks, and an iron 

pipe- 
Feature P-13 (25 ft by 100 ft in size), located 
along a ditch heading east from Well 169 
(Feature P-10), includes bolts, pipe fragments, 
large pieces of lumber, and barbed wire. 

Feature P-16 (50 ft by 325 ft in size) is located 
along the northern edge of Block 36. It consists 
of scattered artifacts and several small artifact 
concentrations that include over 100 clear glass 
fragments, white glass fragments, brown glass 
fragments, a "Seven-Up" bottle fragment, a 
"Purex" bottle base, over 100 wire nails, about 
25 metal parts and fragments, three sanitary seal 
cans, a can lid, a jar lid, metal pipe fragments, 10 
crown caps, a salt-glazed sewer pipe fragment, 
small lumber fragments, and small piles of dirt 
and rock. The dumping of trash in this area by 
the residents of Block 36 is mentioned as a fire 
and sanitation hazard in the 4/22/43 Block 
Managers Daily Report for Block 36. 

Feature P-17 (75 ft by 75 ft in size) is located 
north of Block 35. It consists of 50 window glass 
fragments, a small jar, glass fragments (90% clear, 
10 white, 6 brown 3 blue, 2 green, 1 purple), 
pressed glass fragments, plate fragments, wire 
nails, metal bits, melted glass, a "Coke" bottle 
fragment, a pan handle, can fragments, and about 
20 lumber fragments. The results of a 1 m by 1 
m unit excavated at this feature are discussed 
below. 

Features P-18 through P-20 are three adjacent 
artifact concentrations located just northeast of 
Block 35. Most of this area was used for a 
Victory Garden (see Figure 9.2) suggesting these 
deposits date to the abandonment of the 
relocation center in late 1945. 



Feature P-18 (30 ft by 60 ft in size) includes a 
shallow 10 ft by 10 ft depression blanketed with 
abundant burned trash. The hole may have been 
left by bottle collectors. Noted in and around 
the hole were thousands of glass fragments, 
hundreds of wire nails, a metal button, assorted 
hardware and screws, barrel hoops, a small 
spring, small can fragments, a ceramic cup handle 
fragment, plate fragments, a perfume bottle 
fragment, terra cotta flower pot fragments, and 
"Seven-Up" and "Coke" bottle fragments. Noted 
in the remainder of Feature P-18 were 
approximately 100 aqua, blue, and clear glass 
fragments, three purple glass fragments (including 
a bottle base), a few sanitary seal cans, and a 
metal toy car part. The results of a 1 m by 1 m 
unit excavated at this feature are discussed below. 

Just east of Feature 18, Feature P-19 (80 ft by 80 
ft in size) includes hundreds of clear and aqua 
glass fragments (one base embossed with "... 
tooth powder"), at least 20 purple glass fragments 
(one base embossed with "331 ...ATR..."), about 
100 plate fragments, a "Seven-Up" bottle base 
(with the Owens Illinois Bottle Co. hallmark and 
a "2" date code), and a sanitary seal can. 

Feature P-20 (65 ft by 65 ft in size) is located 
southeast of Feature P-19 across a dirt road. It 
consists of thousands of glass fragments (clear, 
green, brown, and a few purple; embossed pieces 
include "Crown Products Corp.", "Lambert ...cal 
Company", "Log Cabin Syrup", and "Purex"), 
crown cap finish (soda) bottle fragments, about 
50 sanitary seal cans, 50 plate fragments, a red 
brick fragment, an iron pipe elbow, bits of 
wallboard, toilet bowl fragments, and part of a 
galvanized bucket. Noted hallmarks include the 
Hazel-Atlas Glass Co. (1920-1964), the Owens 
Illinois Bottle Co. (1932 +), and the Maywood 
Glass Co. 

Feature P-22, about 80 ft by 80 ft in size, is 
located just beyond the southeast corner of Block 
36. It includes about 100 clear glass fragments 
(including one with the hallmark of Glass 



314 



Containers Inc. [1945 + ]), brown glass fragments, 
a "Bubble-Up" bottle fragment, about 50 plate 
fragments (including one with "TEPCO USA"), a 
light bulb fragment, numerous wall board bits, 
around 100 wire nails, and a sanitary seal can. 

Feature P-23 (50 ft by 80 ft in size), located 
northeast of Block 25, consists of plate 
fragments, clear glass fragments, and some brown 
glass fragments. Immediately to the east there is 
a 25 ft by 40 ft area of asphalt. 

Feature P-24 (75 ft by 75 ft in size), east of Block 
25, consists of about 25 window glass fragments, 
over 1,000 clear glass fragments, around 100 
brown glass fragments, 50 green glass fragments, 
a "Ben-Hur Coffee" jar, a can lid, about 50 wire 
nails, a metal part, a pocket tobacco can, a metal 
snap, and an electrical porcelain knob. 

Feature P-25 consists of a small sand pile and 
artifact concentration in a 25 ft by 25 ft area east 
of Block 25. Artifacts noted include over 100 
brown and clear glass fragments, a large brown 
glass jug base, electrical wire, plate fragments, 
two sanitary seal cans, a Master-type padlock, 
and a concrete chunk. 

Feature P-26, 130 ft by 150 ft in size, is located 
east of Firebreak A6 along the U.S. Highway 395 
right-of-way fence. It contains hundreds of clear 
glass fragments, a whiskey bottle (Peerless 
Distiller, Vancouver, Canada), and a "Canada 
Dry Ginger Ale" bottle base, hundreds of 
ceramic plate and coffee cup fragments, 1 1 crown 
caps, four press-on can caps, wire nails, a spoon, 
a bath tub stopper, and scraps of lumber. 
Ceramic hallmarks include O.P.CO Syracuse 
with a Virginia logo on the front (ca. 1940s), 
John Maddock & Sons (ca. 1940s), and "Made in 
Japan" (1921 +). 

Feature P-27, 30 ft by 30 ft in size, is also located 
east of Firebreak A6 along the U.S. Highway 395 
right-of-way fence. It contains approximately 100 
clear glass fragments, about 20 brown glass 
fragments, a hotelware cup fragment with the 



Sterling China Co. hallmark (ca. 1940s), and two 
sanitary seal cans. 

Feature P-28, 100 ft by 100 ft in size, is located 
just east of Firebreak A6. Artifacts are primarily 
concentrated on a low 20-ft-diameter mound 
which includes thousands of brown and clear 
glass fragments, a milk bottle fragment, around 
20 ceramic plate fragments, a coffee cup fragment 
with the Wallace China hallmark (ca. 1940s), a 
shoe heel, a belt buckle, about 20 crown caps, 
wire nails, two light bulb bases, a condensed 
milk can, a pocket tobacco can, and a dark blue 
glass marble. Embossed glass fragments include 
"Purex," fragments of two "Old Quaker" 
whiskey bottles (embossed with "Federal Law 
Forbids ...;" 1933-1964), three Owens Illinois 
Bottle Comany hallmarks (with 1941 and 1942 
dates), the Maywood Glass Co. hallmark, "Glube 
Bottling Co. Property Los Angeles Cal," and 
"PAT. APP FOR ..R 174 65-41." Artifacts noted in the 
area surrounding the low mound included 
thousands of clear glass fragments, hundreds of 
brown, green, and blue glass fragments, 
"Mission" soda, "Seven-Up," and "Coke" bottle 
fragments, plate and coffee cup fragments, an 
electrical porcelain knob with a nail, a Ford 
spark plug, and a pocket tobacco can. 

Features P-30 through P-33 are four adjacent 
artifact concentrations located between Block 19 
and the U.S. Highway 395 right-of-way fence. 
Closest to the residential block, Feature P-30 
(100 ft by 225 ft in size) contains approximately 
100 glass fragments (brown, clear, green, "Barq's" 
soda), two pieces of embossed purple glass, 15 
crockery fragments, a sanitary seal can, five 
metal slugs, hundreds of wire nails, a 1-inch- 
diameter metal twist cap, a crown cap, an iron 
cable, electrical screws, an electrical porcelain 
knob with nail, and other electrical porcelain 
fragments. 

East of the Feature P-30 concentration, Feature 
P-31 (100 ft by 130 ft in size) contains hundreds 
of wire nails, numerous metal slugs and concrete 
pipe fragments, over 12 can lids, a hacksaw blade 



315 



fragment, and a clear whiskey bottle (with the 
Glass Containers Inc. hallmark and a 1941 date). 
Within this locus there is a 50 ft by 75 ft area of 
burned ground. 

Just east of Feature 31, Feature P-32 (25 ft by 30 
ft in size) contains hundreds of wire nails and a 
hotelware plate fragment with the Shenango 
Pottery Co. hallmark (early 1940s). Adjacent 
Feature P-33 (10 ft by 15 ft in size) includes 
hundreds of soda bottle fragments ("Coke," 
"Barq's," "Antelope," and "Squirt"), electrical 
porcelain fragments, wire nails, bits of wire, can 
lids, crown caps, and a sanitary seal can. 

Feature P-34, east across the road from the Fire 
Station (Block 13), includes two low mounds and 
an artifact concentration in a 75 ft by 100 ft area. 
Artifacts noted include thousands of window and 
glass bottle fragments ("Coke," clear, brown, 
green, blue), a boot fragment, two glass buttons, 
three dry cell batteries, three light bulb bases, 
thousands of wire nails, lumber fragments, a can, 
large bolts and nuts, about 100 cup and plate 
fragments, a complete coffee cup (with a "TEP- 
CO" basemark), a razor, metal parts, a shoe heel 
tap, six carbon rods from batteries, and a crown 
cap. 

Feature P-43 (20 ft by 60 ft in size) is at the 
former location of a trash can rack across the 
road from the Director's Residence. It consists of 
about 100 glass fragments (clear and white), 50 
clear blue glass fragments (some with embossed 
side panels), and three sanitary seal cans. 



Feature P-44 (10 ft by 15 ft in size) is just inside 
the perimeter fence east of the Staff Housing 
Block. It consists of about 20 clear glass 
fragments, two metal parts, and three lumber 
fragments. 

Feature P-45 (35 ft by 90 ft in size) is at the 
former location of a trash can rack southeast of 
the Staff Housing Block. Included are thousands 
of clear glass fragments, around 1,000 brown 
glass fragments, 50 plate fragments, five cans, a 



large nail, a nut, eight lumber fragments, two 
clay sewer pipe fragments, and bone fragments. 

Feature P-46 is a concentration of artifacts in a 
50 ft by 50 ft hard-packed "pan" area in the 
extreme southeast portion of the perimeter 
(northwest of Watchtower 7). Artifacts noted 
include around 100 "Coke" bottle fragments, 50 
clear glass fragments, dark blue glass fragments, 
a perfume bottle, yellow ceramic plate fragments, 
a metal button, three sanitary seal cans, and two 
small metal straps with nails. 

Feature P-65 (140 ft by 200 ft in size), southwest 
of Block 6, consists of hundreds of clear glass 
fragments, hundreds of brown, green, white, and 
gold glass fragments, a sanitary seal can, can bits, 
and hundreds of plate fragments (mostly white- 
ware with some yellowware). Most items are in 
a gully that has eroded through the relocation 
center landfill, but others are scattered to the 
south. 

Feature P-66, 25 ft by 25 ft in size, is at the 
former location of a garbage can rack at the 
southwest corner of Block 12. It consists of over 
10 window glass fragments, 100 clear glass 
fragments, 10 brown glass fragments, 30 plate 
fragments, three sanitary seal cans, four metal 
parts, and some smooth wire. 

Feature P-72 (40 ft by 60 ft in size) is northwest 
of the Hospital Block, it includes barbed and 
smooth wire, 10 sanitary seal cans, and a pocket 
tobacco can. There is a trash can and a stove part 
in the drainage to the south. 

Other Artifacts 

Historical artifacts within the perimeter area, but 
outside of designated feature and site areas were 
noted and plotted on maps on file at the Western 
Archeological and Conservation Center, Tucson, 
Arizona. These "isolated" artifacts include about 
100 window glass fragments, hundreds of bottle 
glass fragments (80% clear, 10% brown, green, 
white, gold, blue, purple), over 85 sanitary seal 
cans, two pocket tobacco cans, five can lids, two 



316 



Table 9.7. 
Historical Artifacts Recovered from Feature 
P-17 (MANZ 1993 A-30 [Excavation Unit 
19]). 



Object Classification 


CO 

o 


1 


u 

-3 



13 

H 

3 

u 

2 
*-» 


Structural Materials 




1 


12 


Window Glass 


117 






Hardware 








Nails 




18 




Utilities 




2 




to 
U 

a 

o 
Q 


Beverage Storage 


2 






Food Storage 


32 


19 




Food Preparation 








Food Remains 






4 


Food Serving 






2 


Furnishings 




2 




Pharmaceutical 


1 






13 
a 
o 
v> 

Ih 

U 

Ph 


Clothing 




4 




Jewelry 




1 




Grooming and Hygiene 


1 






Money 








c/1 
D 

8 

< 


Ammunition 








Leisure 








Automobile 








Miscellaneous Tools 




3 




Toys 








Writing 






12 


Unclassified 




7 





drum lids, crown caps, sheet metal, metal parts, 
an automobile fender, an automobile U-joint, a 
farm equipment part, pipe and pipe fittings, 
stove parts, stove pipe, cast iron stove parts, 
fencing, barbed and smooth wire, electrical wire, 
wire nails, nuts and bolts, two galvanized 
buckets, around 30 ceramic fragments (mostly 
earthenware cups and plates), electrical porcelain 
parts and fragments, a shoe fragment, two 
buttons, two glass marbles, red and yellow brick 
fragments, concrete fragments, and lumber 
fragments. 

Feature P-17 Testing 

A 1 m by 1 m unit (Excavation Unit 19), placed 
in the central portion of Feature P-17, was 
excavated to a depth of 50 cm. Three major 
strata were discerned based on texture, color, 
compaction, and cultural constituents. Stratum 1, 
the uppermost stratum, consists of loose pale 
brown (Munsell color 10YR 6/3) sandy silt with 
gravels, numerous artifacts, and charcoal. It 
extended up to 15 cm deep. There was a 2 cm- 
thick charcoal layer at the termination of 
Stratum 1. Stratum 2 consists of loose grayish 
brown (10YR 5/2) silty sand with some artifacts 
and charcoal. This stratum was from 5 cm to 25 
cm thick. Stratum 3, the lowest stratum 
encountered, consists of culturally sterile light 
brownish gray to light gray (10YR 6/2-7/2) 
compact sandy silt. It began at depths varying 
from 20 to 40 cm. 

Artifact Assemblage 

In all, 240 historical artifacts were recovered 
from excavation Unit 19; none were from below 
30 cm. Where possible the historical artifacts 
were classified by function. Items recovered 
range from structural materials to personal items 
(Table 9.7). 

Structural materials recovered from Unit 19 
include 117 window glass fragments, a section of 
cut water pipe, 18 nails, nine 3/4-inch-thick 
lumber fragments, and drywall and plaster 
fragments. The nails include 14 common nails 
(two 8d, two 6d, two 4d, one 3d, three 2d, and 



317 



four fragments), two finishing nails (2 inch and 
1/, inch), a staple fragment, and a corrugated 
fastener. 

Domestic remains recovered from Unit 19 
include a "Ben-Hur Mustard" jar, a "Pompeian 
Olive Oil" jar base, a jar base with the Owens 
Illinois Bottle Company hallmark and the date 
code "2", a small baby food jar, 27 clear glass 
fragments, a "Coke" bottle fragment, a brown 
glass fragment, 11 sanitary seal can fragments, 
three jar lids, five twist caps, two nonvitreous 
white-bodied earthenware saucer fragments, two 
animal bones (pig and chicken), two eggshell 
fragments, and two electrical plug prong 
fragments. 

Personal items recovered from Unit 19 include 
four metal shoe eyelets, a brass bead, and a large 
fragment of a cosmetics jar. Other materials 
recovered include 12 slate fragments possibly 
from a chalkboard, a metal washer, an aluminum 
washer, a cut bolt, a large chain link, a spike 
fragment, two machined heavy bronze fragments, 
and miscellaneous metal fragments. 



Feature P-18 Testing 

A 1 m by 1 m unit (Excavation Unit 20), placed 
along side a shallow depression, was excavated to 
a depth of 50 cm. Three strata were discerned 
based on texture, color, compaction, and cultural 
constituents. Stratum 1, the uppermost stratum, 
consists of slightly compact dark gray (Munsell 
color 10YR 4/1) sandy silt with numerous 
artifacts and charcoal. It extended from 10 to 30 
cm deep. Stratum 2 consists of loose grayish 
brown (10 YR 5/2) sandy silt with a few 
artifacts. This stratum was from 2 cm to 20 cm 
thick. Stratum 3, the lowest stratum 
encountered, consists of culturally sterile brown 
(10YR 5/3) compact sandy silt. It began at a 
depth of 30 cm. 

Artifact Assemblage 

In all, 319 historical artifacts were recovered 

from excavation Unit 20; many were burned or 



melted and most (95%) were from above 30 cm. 
Where possible the historical artifacts were 
classified by function. Items recovered range 
from glass and ceramic sherds to nails and 
personal items (Table 9.8). 

Structural materials recovered from Unit 20 
include a screen latch, six screen door spring 
fragments, a hook and eye screw, three wood 
screws, and 69 nails. The nails include 57 
common nails (two 2d, five 3d, 12 4d, three 5d, 
11 6d, three 7d, four 8d, one 16d, and 17 
fragments), five finishing nails (one 1 inch, three 
2 inch, and one 2Vi inch), four roofing nails (two 
2 inch, one VA inch, one 3/4 inch), two staples 
(1/2 inch and 3/4 inch), and a corrugated 
fastener. The wood screws include one x /i inch, 
one 3/4 inch, and one V-h. inch. 

Recovered items associated with beverage storage 
from Unit 20 include 11 "Seven-Up" bottle 
fragments (1937 +), four "Coke" bottle fragments, 
a clear bottle fragment with a crown cap finish, 
a clear glass fragment embossed with "...T 4/5 P...," 
two pieces of lead foil (possibly from a wine 
bottle cork cover), and a crown cap. Recovered 
items associated with food storage include four 
can fragments, 19 jar lid fragments, 136 clear 
glass fragments, and three aqua glass fragments. 
The clear glass fragments include a round base 
with the Glass Containers Inc. hallmark (1945+) 
and a fragment embossed with "Duraglass." 

Recovered food remains consist of nine faunal 
remains and a peach pit. Identifiable faunal 
species include jackrabbit and chicken (Appendix 
H). Items associated with food serving include 
eight fragments of a pressed glass bowl, three 
drinking glass fragments (with orange and brown 
stripes), a non- vitreous white-bodied earthenware 
soup bowl fragment with dark red stars around 
the exterior rim, and a dark brown/black glazed 
porcelain body fragment. 

Recovered items classified as furnishings include 
two fragments of light bulb glass. Items classified 
as pharmaceutical include five blue glass 



318 



Table 9.8. 
Historical Artifacts Recovered from Feature 
P-18 (MANZ 1993 A-30 [Excavation Unit 
20]). 



Object Classification 


i 




■a 

o 


3 


2 

t/5 


Structural Materials 








Window Glass 








Hardware 




11 




Nails 




69 




Utilities 








u 

"fi 

y 

a 

o 
Q 


Beverage Storage 


17 


3 




Food Storage 


139 


23 




Food Preparation 








Food Remains 






i 


Food Serving 


11 




2 


Furnishings 


2 






Pharmaceutical 


7 






•3 

a 
o 

V) 

S 

Oh 


Clothing 




6 




Jewelry 








Grooming and Hygiene 


7 






Money 




1 




u 

8 

< 


Ammunition 








Leisure 








Automobile 








Miscellaneous Tools 








Toys 


5 






Writing 




1 




Unclassified 




14 





fragments and two melted glass pipette 
fragments. Personal artifacts recovered include a 
1935 dime, six white cold cream jar fragments 
(with an embossed rim design), a cologne bottle 
fragment, a shell button, an undergarment strap 
fastener, two shoe eyelets, a shoe hook, a snap, 
and a wire from a campaign-type button. 
Activities group artifacts recovered include four 
standard-size glass marbles (one melted), a small 
glass marble, and a metal band from a pencil. 

Unclassified recovered include five pieces of wire, 
two metal straps, a brass cap, and six metal 
fragments. 



Hospital Landfill and 
Post-Relocation Center Dump 

(MANZ 1993 A-37) 
This site, roughly 3 acres in area, is located 
within the perimeter of the central portion of 
the relocation center, just west of the hospital 
block. It consists of a landfill associated with 
the relocation center hospital and other dumps 
and scattered trash from later adaptive use of 
the center (ca. 1946-1949). Four loci (A-D) 
were designated, and two 1 m by 1 m units 
were excavated at this site, one at Locus A and 
one at Locus C. 

Locus A, across the road from the hospital 
block, measures 50 ft north-south by 100 
east-west. It consists of an artifact 
concentration in and around a shallow 
depression, possibly a hole left by bottle 
collectors. Artifacts noted during survey at this 
locus include thousands of brown and clear 
glass fragments, about 50 blue glass fragments, 
white glass fragments, two purple glass 
fragments, hundreds of plate fragments, over 20 
terra cotta flower pot fragments, blue-glazed 
earthenware, seven sanitary seal can fragments, 
four plastic medical bottle caps, a white "Go" 
piece, a rubber stopper, a leather shoe 
fragment, metal parts, asbestos board, small 
lumber fragments, over 50 yellow brick 
fragments, and a concrete chunk. The brick 



319 




«5 

> 



g ;; : 



Figure 9.121. Stoves west of Hospital Block (MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus B). 



fragments and concrete chunk may be remnants 
of an incinerator shown on a relocation center 
blueprint in this general area. 

Locus B is a 50-ft-diameter area, 100 ft west of 
Locus A, containing eight enameled metal 
cooking stoves (Figure 9.121), a water heater, ten 
fuel oil containers, a glass medical bottle with 
plastic cap, a sanitary seal can, a purple glass 
fragment, lumber bits, and wire fencing. 

Locus C, measuring 100 ft north-south by 65 ft 
east-west, is located along a gully 150 ft north of 
Locus A. Noted on the surface and eroding out 
of the gully were over 10,000 can fragments, 
over 10,000 glass fragments (clear, brown, green, 
white, blue), over 1,000 plate fragments, several 
broken soda bottles, milk bottle fragments, 
"Purex" and "Clorox" bottle fragments, a 55- 
gallon oil drum, cooking pans, car parts, other 
metal parts, toilet bowl fragments, concrete slab 
fragments, cable, window glass, light bulbs, oval 
liquid prescription medicine bottles, a likely 
toothpaste tube, and a few bone fragments. 

Locus D, a 65 ft north-south by 100 ft east-west 
area within the gully 100 ft upstream (west) of 



Locus C, includes two trash cans, stove parts, 
fuel oil containers, and brown glass fragments. 

Locus A is apparently a dump used by the 
relocation center hospital. Excavation revealed 
that Locus C post-dates the relocation center: 
recovered during subsurface testing were 
numerous bottles with embossed 1947 to 1949 
manufacturing dates. The material is probably 
trash from the few years after the relocation 
center closed, when the administration area was 
used for veterans housing. The condition of the 
trash at Loci B and D suggests that it, too, post- 
dates the relocation center, and may include 
items abandoned when the veterans housing was 
closed. The relocation center broke up, crushed, 
and buried their abandoned material (see 
Disposal Pits [MANZ 1993 B-9] in Chapter 10). 



Locus A Testing 

One 1 m by 1 m test unit was excavated at this 
locus (Excavation Unit 25). It was placed 
within the depression in the central portion of 
the artifact concentration (Figure 9.122). 
Artifacts were recovered to 75 cm in depth. 



320 




Figure 9.122. Excavation at the Hospital Landfill (MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus A). 




Figure 9.123. Excavation Unit 25 south sidewall (MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus A). 



Stratigraphy 

Six major strata were discerned based on texture, 
color, compaction, and cultural constituents. 
Each stratum is described below, and sidewall 
profiles are illustrated in Figures 9.123 and 9.124. 

Stratum 1, the uppermost stratum, consists of 



loose grayish brown (Munsell color 10YR 5/2) 
sandy silt with abundant artifacts and charcoal. 
It extended up to 10 cm deep. 

Stratum 2 consists of lenses of grayish brown to 
dark gray (10YR 5/3-4/1) sandy silt with some 
artifacts and concrete rubble. This stratum was 



321 



MANZ I993A-37 



Unit 25 
East wall 




en Can 
M Metal 
GS> Plaster 
<=> Glass 
© Rock 



Figure 9.124. Excavation Unit 25 east sidewall profile (MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus A). 



about 10 cm thick. 

Stratum 3, 4 to 8 cm thick, consists of dark gray 
(10YR 4/1) lenses of sandy silt with some brown 
(10YR 5/3) mottling. There were quite a few 
artifacts and charcoal in this stratum. 

Stratum 4 consists of three slightly different 
layers of compact silt; virtually no artifacts were 
recovered from this stratum. Stratum 4a is 
grayish brown to brown (10YR 5/3-5/2) silt 
with some sand, about 12 cm thick. Stratum 4b 
is pale brown (10YR 6/3) sandy silt, 4 to 6 cm 
thick. Stratum 4c, about 6 cm thick, is a compact 



pocket of light brownish gray (10YR 6/2) silt 
with some sand. 

Stratum 5, first encountered at 30 cm depth, 
contains most of the artifacts recovered. The soil 
matrix consists of dark gray (10YR 4/1) sandy 
silt. This stratum was irregular in thickness and 
depth but was in general 20 to 25 cm thick. 
Stratum 5 also contained a small granite boulder 
(see Figure 9.123) and several thin layers of 
burned soil. 

Stratum 6, the lowest stratum encountered, 
consists of culturally sterile grayish brown to 



322 



Table 9.9. 
Historical Artifacts Recovered from the 
Relocation Center Hospital Landfill 
(MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus A [Excavation 
Unit 25]). 



Object Classification 


CO 

o 


•a 


Ih 
U 

6 


13 

b 

3 
u 

2 


Structural Materials 








Window Glass 


15 






Hardware 




2 




Nails 




150 




Utilities 


45 


14 


i 


*-» 

BQ 
U 

6 
o 

Q 


Beverage Storage 


17 


12 




Food Storage 


3 


80 




Food Preparation 








Food Remains 






69 


Food Serving 


3 




19 


Furnishings 


1 


1 


6 


Pharmaceutical 


1,842 


30 


46 


-a 
c 
o 

c 
u 

P-c 


Clothing 


1 


1 


4 


Jewelry 








Grooming and Hygiene 


17 


1 




Money 








CO 

,S5 

">; 
S3 

u 

<: 


Ammunition 








Leisure 






4 


Automobile 








Miscellaneous Tools 




24 


1 


Toys 


1 






Writing 








Unclassified 




263 


21 



brown (10YR 5/3-5/2) compact sand. It 
began at depths varying from 42 to 74 cm. 

Artifact Assemblage 

Over 2,600 historical artifacts were recovered 
from excavation Unit 25. Where possible the 
historical artifacts were classified by function. 
A wide range of items were recovered (Table 
9.9). However, over 70 percent of the items 
were categorized as pharmaceutical. The 
majority of items were fragmentary, so 
artifact counts reflect the total number of 
sherds or fragments, rather than a tally of 
complete objects. Due to time constraints 
very little reconstruction of items was 
attempted, but several reconstructible items 
appear to be present. Much of the material is 
burned or partially melted. 

Structural Artifacts 

Structural artifacts recovered include two 
hardware screws, four water pipe fragments, 
two pipe fittings, a piece of electrical wire, a 
drain grate, two 1/2-inch-diameter copper 
tubes, four light bulb bases, 45 fragments of 
light bulb glass, 15 window glass fragments, 
and a ceramic recessed on-off switch. 

A total of 150 nails was recovered. These 
include 21 common nails, five miscellaneous 
nails, and 124 too fragmentary to further 
classify. Common nails include 11 of sizes 
normally used for shingles and slats (4d and 
smaller), nine of sizes generally associated 
with clap-boarding and finish work (5d-8d), 
and one of a size generally used for heavy 
framing (20d). Other miscellaneous nails 
include one 2Vi inch finishing nail, one 1 
inch roofing nail, two 1 inch staples, and one 
corrugated fastener. The nails are likely from 
scrap wood used as kindling during trash 
burning. 

Domestic Artifacts 

Recovered items associated with beverage 

storage include 12 crown caps, eight "Coke" 



323 



Table 9.10. 
Marks Noted on Artifacts at the Relocation Center Hospital Landfill (MANZ 1993 A-37, 
Locus A). 



Glass 

...phylline solution 

...solv.t TCW CO... 

Anacin 

Anchor-Hocking Glass Corporation hallmark (1938 + ) 

Aristocrat 

Armstrong Cork Company, Glass Division hallmark 

(1938-1969) 
B-D Yale 5cc Luer-Lok Benton Dickinson & Co. 
(syringe) 

Brockway Glass Company hallmark (1925+) 
CANOE (on base of trough-shaped unglazed porcelain 

fragment) 
Clorox 

Coke (Bishop Bottling Co.) 
Cumberland Glass Manufacturing Company hallmark (ca. 

1890-1900) 
Cutter + Standard 
Dr. L(yons Tooth Powder) 
Duraglass (Owens-Illinois Company trademark) 
GE MAZDA 100W 120V (light bulb) 
Hazel-Atlas Company hallmark (1920-1964) 
Hospital 

Hospital Liquids 

J.T. Hamilton hallmark (1900-1943) 
Kimble Glass Company hallmark (ca. 1947) 
Knox Glass Bottle Company of Mississippi hallmark 

(1932-1953+) 
Lee S. Smith 

List No. 1941 Procaine HO ... 0% W/r Sc ...nott Lab 
Listerine 



Magnus, Mabee, and Reynard, Inc. hallmark (1895 + ) 

Maywood Glass Company hallmark 

Millville Bottle Works hallmark (1903-1930) 

Musterole 

novacain solution. ..tary extract local use ... 

Obear-Nester Glass Company hallmark (1915+) 

Owens 

Owens-Illinois Pacific Coast Company hallmark (1932 + ) 

Pyrex (1915 + ) 

Richard Hund... New York Park three flowers 

...tiantime (baby food jar) 
Sani-Glass + (Brockway trademark) 
Whitall-Tatum and Co. hallmark (1935-1938) 
Wine 44 
Woodbury (cold cream jar) 

Other 

...res No Heat ~jr No. CH-1 (aluminum strip) 
Baker's (plastic cap) 
Colg(ate) (toothpaste tube) 
Devol RU (paper label) 
Dextrose in Saline (metal tag) 
Mallinckrodt (plastic cap) 
Potassium Bromide (paper label) 
PYREX GE CO USA (20-amp fuse) 
Transfuso-Vac for 500cc of Blood (metal tag) 
Tear Off (metal tag) 



bottle fragments (one marked as bottled in 
Bishop), a green wine bottle base (with a likely 
1944 date), two brown beer bottle fragments, a 
clear whiskey bottle fragment, 13 green glass 
fragments, and two olive green glass fragments. 
Other glass fragments listed below under 
pharmaceutical may also be from beverage 
bottles. 

Recovered items associated with food storage 
include 51 can fragments (all identifiable ones 
were sanitary seal), 28 can lid fragments, a can 
key fragment, a glass baby food jar with a partial 
paper label, a mayonnaise jar fragment, and a 
purple glass fragment. 



Recovered food remains include 16 peach pits, a 
plum pit, a squash seed, an unidentified seed, an 
abalone shell fragment, and 49 animal bone 
fragments. The faunal assemblage is 
predominantly pig bone and egg shell, with one 
fish bone (see Appendix H). 

Items associated with food serving include a glass 
cup or mug fragment, two drinking glass 
fragments, a trough-shaped unglazed porcelain 
fragment of uncertain function, and 18 white- 
bodied and buff-bodied earthenware fragments, 
some with dark green lines. The ceramics consist 
of seven cup fragments, three plate fragments, 
four bowl fragments, two saucer fragments, and 
an unidentified fragment (see Appendix D). 



324 



inch 












'• 




Figure 9.125. Typical small artifacts recovered from the Hospital Landfill (MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus A). 



The few furnishings recovered include a 20-amp 
plug fuse, a hardware fastener, a lamp wick, and 
four terra cotta flower pot fragments. 

By far the largest number of objects recovered 
are those associated with medicine, dentistry, and 
pharmacology. Six clear, five brown, and one 
blue glass bottle were recovered during testing. 
The clear glass bottles include two oval liquid 
prescription medicine bottles, two narrow-mouth 
bottles with the Cutter Standard hallmark, a 
wide-mouth bottle, and a short octagon bottle 



with a plastic dropper (with "LEE S. SMITH" 
embossed on the base). 

Brown bottles include two wide-mouth bottles, 
one with a paper "Potassium Bromide" label, and 
three narrow-mouth bottles, one with a cork 
stopper (with the Magnus, Mabee, and Reynard, 
Inc. hallmark embossed on the base) and one 
with a plastic cap. The blue bottle is a narrow- 
mouth bottle. 

Bottle glass fragments similar in color and style 



325 



Table 9.11. 
Historical Artifacts Recovered from the Post- 
Relocation Center Landfill (MANZ 1993 A- 
37, Locus C [Excavation Unit 26]). 



Object Classification 


n 

o 


"3 
2 


U 




-3 

3 

o 

5 


Structural Materials 




4 


1 


Window Glass 








Hardware 




3 




Nails 




5 




Utilities 


6 


15 


2 


o 
u 

s 

o 
Q 


Beverage Storage 


70 


22 




Food Storage 


195 


41 




Food Preparation 


1 


4 




Food Remains 






190 


Food Serving 


1 


1 


12 


Furnishings 




1 


1 


Pharmaceutical 


20 


1 




-a 

a 


u 
<u 
Ph 


Clothing 




34 


11 


Jewelry 




1 




Grooming and Hygiene 


3 


2 




Money 




3 




u 

o 

< 


Ammunition 




3 




Leisure 




1 


2 


Automobile 


1 


5 




Miscellaneous Tools 




5 




Toys 


2 


2 




Writing 




2 


2 


Unclassified 




195 





to the complete medical bottles were classified 
here as pharmaceutical glass instead of beverage 
or food storage; these counts therefore likely 
include a few misclassified fragments. Bottle glass 
fragments include 1,205 clear, 459 brown, 11 
aqua, and 13 blue. The fragments represent at 
least 72 clear bottles, 39 brown, two aqua 
bottles, and one blue bottle. Identifiable types 
include four round-base wide-mouth bottles for 
powders, capsules, or ointments, three round- 
base narrow-mouth bottles for liquids, 20 other 
round-base bottles, 15 oval-base prescription 
liquid medicine bottles, six rectangular-base 
bottles, two square-base bottles, two round-base 
one-gallon jugs, and two short octagon-base 
dropper bottles. Twenty-three bottles or lip 
fragments have a continuous thread finish, three 
have a stopper finish, and two have an extract 
finish. Many have embossed graduations and 
apothecary weight symbols such as 3 (ounce), fl 
(fluid ounce), 3 (dram), f5 (fluid dram), and cc 
(cubic centimeter, 1/30 ounce). A summary of 
makers' marks is provided in Table 9.10. 
Embossed dates and date codes on the bottles 
encompass 1941-1945. 

Besides bottle glass, glass pharmaceutical items 
include a partially melted complete test tube 
(painted with "REG...PYREX...US PAT MADE IN ..."), 
25 test tube fragments, 37 pipette fragments (two 
with marked gradations), a small funnel, three 
capillary tubes, two droppers with rubber caps 
(one marked with "DA VOL RU ..."), two dropper 
shaft fragments, two beaker fragments, a 
hypodermic syringe, three oral thermometer 
fragments, eight microscope slide fragments, 14 
fragments of thin clear and brown glass (one 
marked with "List No. 1941 Procaine HO... 0% 
W/r Sc ..nott Lab"), two fragmentary and one 
complete cutting block (3 inches by 6 inches by 
3/4 inch), three multiple dose vaccine bottles, 37 
single dose ampoules or ampoule fragments 
(Figure 9.125). 



326 



Table 9.12. 
Marks Noted on Artifacts at the Post- 
Relocation Center Landfill (MANZ 1993 A- 
37, Locus C [Excavation Unit 26]). 

Glass 

...INGE BOTTLING CO. CH 

Anchor-Hocking Glass Corp. hallmark (1938+) 

Armstrong Cork Company hallmark (1938-1969) 

Ball (canning jar) 

Brockway Glass Co. hallmark (1925+) 

Bubble Up 

Canada Dry 

Canada Dry Ginger Ale, Inc. 

Coca Cola (Bishop, Calif.) 

Clorox 

Duraglass (Owens-Illinois Bottle Co. trademark) 

Glass Containers Inc. hallmark (1945+) 

Hazel-Atlas Company hallmark (1920-1964) 

HHK 

Jergen's Lotion 

Joes Cali... 19... 

Karo Syrup 1VS Lbs. Net 

Latchford-Marble Glass Co. hallmark (1939-1957) 

Lummis Glass Co. hallmark (1940-1955) 

Maywood Glass Co. hallmark 

Mission Soda 

Owens Illinois Bottle Co. hallmark (1932 + ) 

Purex (1915+) 

Pyramid Pat'd 

Sparkle Up 

Sparkletts Up 

Sunset (soda) Santa M... 

T (in keystone motif) 

Thatcher Glass Manuf. Co. hallmark (1900+) 

USA GLAST... 2 (cake platter) 

Other 

$ (electrical porcelain knob) 

Meissner U.S.A. A3 (electrical porcelain base plate) 

Oakland (hubcap) 



The hypodermic syringe, made of Pyrex glass, is 
a Luer-type with a ground plunger shaft and 
barrel interior (Cook 1948:1138-1139; Hoover 
1975: 1797-1800). Marked on its side is "B-D Yale 
5cc LUER-LOK BECTON DICKINSON & CO." The 
three vaccine bottles have aluminum rims and 
one still has a rubber cover. Base marks include 
"PYREX 27" and "14 ... SOLV.T, TCW CO ..." One 
has a portion of a readable paper label "tetanus 
...oid..." 



Single dose ampoules recovered include 
automatic injection and hermetically sealed 
types. The four complete and two 
fragmentary automatic injection cartridge 
ampoules are open-ended with rubber caps at 
both ends. Two complete sealed ampoules 
and 29 fragments were recovered. The sealed 
ampoules are thin containers that, after 
filling, are sealed by fusion of the glass 
before being sterilized. They are opened by 
snapping off the neck after scoring with a 
file, some are prescored (Rawlins 1977:557- 
558). Sealed ampoules come in three types: 
plain, constricted, and double-tip (Cook 
1948:249). The complete specimens are plain, 
while the fragmentary specimen include 
examples of all three types. Readable paper 
labels include two with "novocain solution 
...tary extract local use..." and one with 
"...phylline solution." 

Metal pharmaceutical items include three 
small circular aluminum tags (one marked 
with "5% DEXTROSE IN SALINE," one with 
"TRANSFUSO-VAC FOR 500cc OF BLOOD," and 
one with "TEAR OFF"), two hypodermic 
needle fragments, a valve stem and valve nib 
likely from a pressurized oxygen tank, an 
ointment tube, 14 twist caps, a screw-on lid, 
a screw-on vial cover, three tape dispenser 
fragments, and a small measuring scoop. 

Other artifacts include two rolls of cloth 

tape on a metal tube, a hardened roll of 

plaster of paris bandages, a glue cap from a 

vial, three rubber stoppers, six cork stoppers, 

eight plastic bottle caps, three thin plastic sheets 

(possibly slide covers), three pieces of plastic 

tubing, nine small bits of putty, two rubber 

medical hose fragments, two plastic microscope 

slide grips, a small round sandpaper disk, and a 

plastic lancet holder (3/4 inch by 7/8 inch by 

1/8 inch). Also recovered were two dental casts, 

two pulled teeth, and a temporary crown (see 

Appendix I). 



327 



Personal Artifacts 

Items in this class include a metal shoe eyelet, 
five buttons (see Appendix E), a "Colgate" 
toothpaste tube, a "Woodbury" cold cream jar, 
15 fragments of white glass, and fragments of a 
"Dr. Lyon's Tooth Powder" jar. 

Activities Group 

Miscellaneous tools recovered consist mostly of 
office supplies. These include a thumbtack, seven 
paper clips, 14 paper fastener fragments, a small 
wrench, a battery, and a rubber band. Items 
associated with 'leisure activities consist of four 
"Go" gaming pieces. Toys are represented by one 
glass marble. 

Unclassified Artifacts 

This group includes unidentified artifacts as well 
as artifacts with potentially multiple functions 
(such as wire) which hindered placing them in a 
particular category, and artifacts too fragmentary 
or altered to further classify. Unclassified items 
include two aluminum bases, an aluminum strip 
(inscribed with "...RES NO HEAT • No CH-l"), a 
metal plate, a scrap of copper, a hose fitting, four 
carbon brushes for a small motor, three small 
springs, an adjustable screw, two barbed wire 
fragments, 23 other wire fragments, and two 
human feces. Unidentified objects include 224 
small metal bits, six small leather fragments, six 
small paper fragments, four cloth fragments, and 
a piece of foam rubber attached to cloth. 



Locus C Testing 

A 1 m by 1 m test unit (Excavation Unit 26) 
was excavated in an undisturbed area just north 
of the gully, near the center of the Locus C 
trash dump. Encountered was a 40-cm-thick 
densely packed trash deposit with thousands of 
objects per 10 cm level. Artifacts recovered 
included electrical porcelain, light bulbs, 
ceramics, glass, cans, and other items. Below 
the trash deposit, extending to 145 cm in 
depth, was a filled pit or gully that contained 
two large nails, a few pieces of wood, glass, and 
metal, and several small bits of asphalt. 



Stratigraphy 

Five major strata were discerned based on 
texture, color, compaction, and cultural 
constituents. Each stratum is described below, 
and the sidewall profile is illustrated in Figure 
9.126. 

Stratum 1, the uppermost stratum, consists of 
loose light yellowish brown (Munsell color 10YR 
6/4) sandy silt extending up to 22 cm deep. It 
contained numerous artifacts and a small amount 
of charcoal. 

Stratum 2 consists of a very loose layer of 
compacted trash and charcoal up to 44 cm thick. 
The little soil in this stratum was a grayish 
brown (10YR 5/2) sandy silt. 

Lower strata had dramatically fewer artifacts. 
Stratum 3a, 2 to 12 cm thick, consists of grayish 
brown (10YR 5/2) silty sand. Stratum 3b consists 
of yellow (10YR 7/6) silty sand with gravels. 

Stratum 4 consists of fill within a pit or gully. 
The area may have been leveled during 
construction of the adjacent relocation center 
hospital. Stratum 4a includes compact dark 
grayish brown (10YR 4/2) silt with gravels, ashy 
pockets and a very few artifacts (glass fragments 
and metal bits). Stratum 4b consists of very dark 
gray (10YR 3/2) sandy silt containing asphalt 
pieces, two 20d nails, and a few lumber 
fragments. 

Stratum 5, the lowest stratum identified, consists 
of culturally sterile pale brown (10YR 6/3) 
compact silt with sand. It began at depths 
varying from 48 to 140 cm. 

Artifact Assemblage 

During excavation it quickly became apparent 
that collecting all artifacts would be unfeasible, 
given time constraints, and unwarranted, due to 
the poor condition of the material. Virtually all 
of the cultural material shows effects from 
burning. Therefore, a strategy was devised in the 
field to sample the material. Lumber, nails, 



328 



MANZ I993A-37 



AL 



Unit 26 
North wall 



1 


20 cm 
• i 


G Glass 


f 


Root 




Figure 9.126. Excavation Unit 26 north sidewall profile (MANZ 1993 A-37, Locus C). 

329 



window glass, and light bulb glass fragments 
were not collected or tabulated. Glass, can, and 
ceramic fragments were collected only if 
diagnostic. Small rubber, cloth, and paper 
fragments were also not collected. All bone was 
collected except the smallest unidentifiable 
fragments. Some other items were only noted 
and not collected if other identical items were 
already collected (i.e., shotgun shells with the 
same headstamp). A tabulation of items collected 
is provided in Table 9.11. A summary of makers' 
marks is provided in Table 9.12. 

Structural Artifacts 

Structural artifacts recovered include a small 
electrical porcelain knob (from knob and tube 
wiring), an electrical porcelain base plate, six 
light bulb bases, a bolt, a pipe fragment, a faucet 
valve, a knob handle, and a gang-nailed metal 
plate. Encountered between 80-145 cm depth 
were two 20d common nails, some 3/4 inch 
thick lumber fragments, and asphalt bits. 

Domestic Artifacts 

Glass fragments and can fragments were by far 
the most prevalent artifact type encountered 
during testing of Locus C. Tabulation in the 
field indicates that 60 percent of the glass 
fragments are clear, 24 percent are brown, 8 
percent are green, 6 percent are blue, and 2 
percent are various other colors. 

Embossed date codes on bottle bases include nine 
with "48," one with "46," one with "51," six 
with "8," two with "1," one with "7," and one 
with "9." Taken together these suggest a late 
1940s to early 1950s date for the deposit. 

Collected items associated with beverage storage 
include 13 soda bottle fragments, seven milk 
bottle fragments, 13 whiskey bottle fragments, a 
beer bottle fragment, a gin bottle fragment, three 
church-key-opened beer can fragments, and 17 
crown caps. 

Food storage is represented by a jelly jar, a 
minimum of 25 fragmentary bottles or jars, a 



glass stopper for a "Tabasco"-type bottle, 
aluminum foil, and abundant can fragments. 
Identified bottle and jar types include vinegar, 
ketchup, mayonnaise, "Karo" syrup, and jelly. 
One glass fragment with a baby drinking from a 
bottle painted on it may be from a formula 
container. Fragments of a "Ball" canning jar and 
a lid liner are evidence of home preserving. Cans, 
while abundant, were mostly fragmentary and 
greatly deteriorated. Recognizable fragments 
included sanitary seal cans of various sizes, 
rectangular meat cans, can lids, snap-on and twist 
caps. 

Food serving items recovered include a large glass 
pitcher, a clear glass plate fragment, two blue 
glass plate fragments, five drinking glass 
fragments, a broken punch cup, a glass cake 
platter, 12 white-bodied earthenware ceramics, 
two porcelain fragments, and a metal spoon. 

The earthenware includes seven plate fragments, 
two cup fragments, and three saucer fragments. 
Some have gold stenciled or stamped accents, 
decals, or a molded fruit motif. The porcelain 
includes a cup fragment and a saucer fragment 
(see Appendix D). 

Food remains include four peach pits, a bean, 
and 185 animal bones. Identifiable bones include 
cottontails, jackrabbits, pig, sheep/goat, chicken, 
and possible quail (see Appendix H). 

Recovered items associated with food preparation 
include a glass pie plate fragment, a sauce pan, 
two pot handles, and an aluminum coffee maker 
basket. Furnishings recovered include a lamp 
part, and a terra cotta flowerpot fragment. 
Pharmaceutical items include an oval liquid 
prescription medicine bottle and a cloth tape 
dispenser. 

Personal Artifacts 

Artifacts associated with clothing include 12 
buttons, three metal snaps, three zipper pulls, 
and a buckle. The buttons include three bone 
buttons, one metal button, two plastic buttons, 



330 




Figure 9.127. Cemetery Monument (MANZ 1993 A-33). 



five shell buttons, and one button of an 
unknown material (see Appendix E). Footwear is 
represented by 26 metal eyelets. 

Other personal artifacts include items associated 
with grooming and hygiene such as an ointment 
tube, an aluminum hair curler, a lipstick tube, a 
fragment of a "Jergens" lotion bottle, and a small 
complete perfume bottle. Also recovered were a 
women's earring and a fragment of a sunglasses 
lens. 

Activities Group 

Ammunition collected includes a .22-caliber shell 
and two shotgun shell casings; noted were 
another .22 shell and several shotgun shells. 
Items associated with leisure activities include 
two lantern wicks and a pocket tobacco can. 
Automobile parts include four small dashboard 
light bases, a headlight fragment, and a hubcap 
(with an "Oakland" logo). Miscellaneous tools 
include an electric gauge, a compressor air valve, 
a carbon battery pole, a push (map) pin, and a 
safety pin. Toys are represented by two glass 



marbles, a jingle bell, and a 4-inch-diameter metal 
wheel. Items associated with writing include two 
pencil leads and two metal fountain pen covers. 

Unclassified Artifacts 

Unclassified artifacts collected include three 
barbed wire fragments, nine other wire 
fragments, and 93 metal objects too fragmentary 
to classify. 



Relocation Center Cemetery 

(MANZ 1993 A-33) 
The relocation center cemetery is located along 
the western perimeter of the residential area, 
just outside the fenced central portion of the 
relocation center. Relocation center blueprints 
show the cemetery subdivided into six equal- 
sized units of approximately l /i acre. 
Apparently only one of these units was used. 
Over 135 people died at Manzanar during 
operation of the relocation center. However, 
only 28 of these were buried in the cemetery 
(all reportedly cremations); the rest were 



331 




Figure 9.128. Cemetery Monument (MANZ 1993 A-33). 




Figure 9.129. Grave at cemetery (MANZ 1993 A-33). 



shipped elsewhere for burial. The first burial in 
the cemetery was on May 10, 1942. After the 
relocation center closed, reportedly all but six of 
the cremations were relocated to other 
cemeteries. The remaining plots were fenced by 
order of the relocation center director (Merritt, 
memorandum dated 1/7/46). 

The cemetery includes a large concrete obelisk 
with Japanese inscriptions on the east and west 
sides (Figure 9.127). The east (front) inscription 
translates as "Monument to console the souls of 
the dead" and the west (back) inscription 
translates as "Erected by the Manzanar Japanese 
August 1943" (see Appendix A). Around the 
monument there is a concrete slab and nine 
concrete posts shaped and stained to resemble 
wood (Figure 9.128). Within the fenced cemetery 
area there are 14 rock-outlined plots, two with 



cut stone markers with inscriptions, two with 
wood posts, and one with a small unreadable 
wooden sign (Figure 9.129). The existing burial 
plots may or may not denote historical locations. 
At least one of the two cut stone markers at the 
cemetery is a reproduction: a photograph in 
Girdner and Loftis (1969: 275) shows a different 
marker than the one now present. 

Also within the fenced cemetery area there are 
three concrete foundations for wooden fence 
posts, one with an inscription (see Appendix A). 
Across a dirt road north of the fenced cemetery 
enclosure there are three rock-outlined graves 
commonly known as the "pet cemetery" (Figure 
9.130). The pet cemetery was specifically left 
unfenced after the relocation center closure 
(Merritt, memorandum dated 1/7/46). Assorted 
artifacts have been placed on the cemetery 



332 



monument and graves by visitors. Most appear 
to be from a nearby crockery disposal pit (see 
Disposal Pits [MANZ 1993 B-9] in Chapter 10), 
but also include historical artifacts from other 
areas, prehistoric artifacts, flowers, coins, and 
origami. The cemetery is the focus of the annual 
Manzanar Pilgrimage. The current perimeter 
fence was put up by the Manzanar Committee in 
the 1980s. There is a large parking lot adjacent to 
the cemetery, and recent litter abounds. 




Figure 9.130. Pet cemetery (MANZ 1993 A-33). 



333 



mmtmm feiiom;/ 

mzse &#ys wow 

r#£RES/ltVAR ON/* 



w" 










1/ 







\ \\ 4 i 
\ n 
\ MM 



*. 








334 



Western Archeological and Conservation Center ♦ Publications in Anthropology 

National Park Service ♦ 1415 North Sixth Avenue ♦ Tucson, Arizona ♦ 85705 



1. Saguaro National Monument: An Archeo- 
logical Overview, by V. K. Pheriba Stacy and 
Julian Hayden. 

2. Fifty Years of Archeology in the California 
Desert: An Archeological Overview of 
Joshua Tree NationalMonument, by Thomas 
F. King. 

3. Lake Mead National Recreation Area: 
An Ethnographic Overview, by David 
E. R upper t. 

4. Walnut Canyon National Monument: An 
Archeological Overview, by Patricia A. 
Gilman. 

5. An Archeological Assessment of Canyon 
de Chellv National Monument, by James A. 
McDonald. 

6. Excavations at Harmony Borax Works: 
Historical Archeology at Death Valley 
National Monument, by George A. Teague 
and Lynette O. Shenk. 

7. Country Nodes: An Anthropological 
Evaluation of William Key's Desert Queen 
Ranch, Joshua Tree National Monument, 
California, by Patricia Parker Hickman. 

8. An Archeological Overview of Redwood 
National Park, by Michael J. Moratto. 

9. The Archeology of Lake Mead National 
Recreation Area: An Assessment, by 
Carole McClellan, David A. Phillips, Jr., 
and Mike Belshaw. 

10. An Archeological Overview of Petrified 
Forest National Park, by Yvonne G. Stewart. 

11. Reward Mine and Associated Sites: Historical 
Archeology on the Papago Reservation, by 
George A. Teague. 

12. Excavations at Gu Achi: A Reappraisal of 
Hohokam Settlement and Subsistence in the 
Arizona Papagueria, by W. Bruce Masse. 

13. One Hundred Years in the California Desert: 
An Overview of Historic Archeological 
Resources at Joshua Tree National 
Monument, by Patricia Parker. 

14. The Lewis-Weber Site: A Tucson 
Homestead, by Nancy T. Curriden. 

15. The Canyon del Muerto Survey Project: 
Anasazi and Navajo Archeology in North- 
eastern Arizona, by Patricia L. Fall, James A. 
McDonald, and Pamela C. Magers. 

16. Tumacacori Plaza Excavation 1979: 
Historical Archeology at Tumacacori 
National Monument, Arizona, by Lee Fratt. 

17. Excavation at Tumacacori 1979/1980: 
Historic Archeology at Tumacacori National 
Monument, Arizona, by C. Michael Barton, 
Kay C. Simpson, and Lee Fratt. 

18. Archeology in Yosemite National Park: The 
Wawona Testing Project, by John C. 
Whittaker. 

19. An Archeological Research Design for 
Yosemite National Park, by Michael J. 
Moratto. 

20. Archeological Investigations in the Central 
Sierra Nevada: The 1981 El Portal Project, 
by Mark F. Baumler and Scott L. Carpenter. 

21. Excavations at the Oasis of Mara, Joshua 
Tree National Monument, by Martyn D. 
T*gg- 

22. Archeological Survey in the Eastern Tucson 
Basin, Saguaro National Monument, by Kay 
C. Simpson and Susan J. Wells. 

23. Archeological Survey in Northeastern Death 
Valley National Monument, by C. Michael 
Barton. 



24. The Archeology of Faraway Ranch, Arizona: 
Prehistoric, Historic and 20th Century, by 
Mark F. Baumler. 

25. Patterns of Lithic Use at AZ Q:l:42, 
Petrified Forest National Park, Arizona: 
Data Recovery Along the Mainline Road, by 
A. Trinkle Jones. 

26. Test Excavations in the Wawona Valley, 
Report of the 1983 and 1984 Wawona 
ArcheologicM Projects, Yosemite National 
Park, California, by Richard G. Ervin. 

27. The Timba-Sha Survey and Boundary 
Fencing Project: Archeological Investigations 
at Deatn Valley National Monument, by 
Martyn D. Tagg. 

28. A Cross Section of Grand Canyon 
Archeology: Excavations at Five Sites Along 
the Colorado River, by A. Trinkle Jones. 

29. None. 

30. Kalaupapa, More than a Leprosy Settlement: 
Archeology in Kalaupapa National 
Monument, by Gary F. Somers. 

31. Tonto National Monument: An Archeo- 
logical Survey, by Martyn D. Tagg. 

32. Survey And Excavations in Joshua Tree 
National Monument, by Richard G. Ervin. 

33. Hale-o-Keawe Archeological Report: 
Archeology at Pu'uhonua o Honaunau 
National Historical Park, by Edmund J. 
Ladd. 

34. Test Excavations at Sites B-105, B-107, and 
B-108: Archeology at Pu'uhonua o 
Honaunau National Historical Park, by 
Edmund J. Ladd. 

35. Ki'ilae Village Test Excavations: Archeology 
at Pu'uhonua o Honaunau National 
Historical Park, by Edmund J. Ladd. 

36. The Archeology of Gila Cliff Dwellings, 

by Keith M. Anderson, Gloria J. Fenner, Don 
P. Morris, George A. Teague and Charmion 
McKusick. 

37. Miscellaneous Historic Period Archeological 
Projects in the Western Region, by Martyn 
D. Tagg. 

38. Pueblo Period Archeology at Four Sites, 
Petrified Forest NationalPark, by A. Trinkle 
Jones. 

39. Walnut Canyon National Monument: 
An Archeological Survey, by Anne R. 
Baldwin and J. Michael Bremer. 

40. The Tuzigoot Survey and Three Small Verde 
Valley Projects, by Martyn D. Tagg. 

41. Lake Mead: Developed Area Surveys, by 
Richard G. Ervin. 

42. The Camp at Bonita Canon, by Martyn D. 



43. Excavations at Site A-27, Archeology at 
Pu'uhonua o Honaunau National Historical 
Park, by Edmund J. Ladd. 

44. A Settlement Pattern Analysis of a Portion 
of Hawaii Volcanoes National Park, by 
Thegn Ladefoged, Gary F. Somers, and M. 
Melia Lane-Hamasaki. 

45. Contributions to the Archeology of Petrified 
Forest National Park, 1985-1986, by A. 
Trinkle Jones. 

46. Archeological Survey of Lower Vine Ranch, 
Death Valley National Monument, by Krista 
Deal and Lynne M. D'Ascenzo. 

47. Excavations at John Young's Homestead, 
Kawaihae, Hawaii, 1988, by Paul H. 
Rosendahl and Laura A. Carter. 



48. Archeological Survey and Testing at Petrified 
Forest National Park, 1987, by Susan J. Wells. 

49. An Archeological Overview of Great Basin 
National Park, 1988, by Krista Deal. 

50. Archeological Survey and Architectural 
Study of Montezuma Castle National 
Monument, 1988, by Susan J. Wells and Keith 
M. Anderson. 

51. Petrified Forest National Park Boundary . 
Survey, 1988: The Final Season, by Susan J. 
Wells. 

52. None. 

53. Archeological Survey and Site Assessment at 
Great Basin National Park, by Susan J. Wells. 

54. Archeological Investigations at Puerco Ruin, 
Petrified Forest National Park, Arizona, by 
Jeffery F. Burton. 

55. The Archeology of Sivu'ovi: The Archaic to 
Basketmaker Transition at Petrified Forest 
National Park, by Jeffery F. Burton. 

56. The Shivwits Plateau Survey: Archeology at 
Lake Mead National Recreation Area, by 
Susan J. Wells. 

57. San Miguel de Guevavi: The Archeology of 
an Eighteenth Century Jesuit Mission on the 
Rim of Christendom, by Jeffery F. Burton. 

58. An Ahupua'a Study, the 1971 Archeological 
Work at Kaloko Ahupua'a, North Kona, 
Hawai'i: Archeology at Kaloko-Honokohau 
National Historical Park, by Ross Cordy, 
Joseph Tainter, Robert Renger, and Robert 
Hitchcock. 

59. Remnants of Adobe and Stone: The Surface 
Archeology of the Guevavi and Calabazas 
Units, Tumacacori National Historical Park, 
Arizona, by Jeffery F. Burton. 

60. Tuzigoot Burials, by Keith M. Anderson. 

61. None. 

62. Days in the Painted Desert and Petrified 
Forests of Northern Arizona: Contributions 
to the Archeology of Petrified Forest 
National Park, 1988-1992, by Jeffery F. 
Burton. 

63. When is a Great Kiva? Excavations at 
McCreery Pueblo, Petrified Forest National 
Park, Arizona, by Jeffery F. Burton. 

64. Archeological Investigations at Great Basin 
National Park: Testing and Site Recording in 
Support of the General Management Plan, by 
Susan J. Wells. 

65. Archeological Survey of Saguaro National 
Monument, 1994: The Saguaro Land 
Acquisition and Trails Inventory, by Kevin 
D. Wellman. 

66. An Archeological Survey Plan for the 
Western Region of the National Park 
Service, by Susan J. Wells. 

67. Three Farewells to Manzanar: The 
Archeology of Manzanar National Historic 
Site, California, by Jeffery F. Burton. 

68. Archeological Survey of Grizzly Ridge 1995: 
A Section 110 Planning Survey, BlacK 
Canyon of the Gunnison National 
Monument, by Gregory L. Fox. 

69. Cultural Resources of the Tucson Mountain 
District, Saguaro National Park, by Susan J. 
Wells and Stacie A. Reutter. 

70. Archeological Investigations at the Upper 
Ruin, Tonto National Monument, by 
Gregory L. Fox and Elaine A. Guthrie.